CONVENTION AT PARKINSON'S FERRY. Washington was unwilling to resort to military force until every other expedient had failed, and he made one more effort to bring the disaffected to a sense of their duty. He appointed James Ross, Jasper Yates, and William Bradford commissioners to confer with the insurgents and to represent to them that the President had no desire to exercise military power, but wished to render it unnecessary by effecting a peaceful solution of the difficulties. These commissioners were empowered to promise amnesty on condition of future submission to the laws.* Pennsylvania also appointed two commissioners to conduct negotiations in conjunction with those of the United States.† Among the commissioners were General William Irvine, Senator James Ross, Attorney-General Bradford, and Chief Justice McKean, of Pennsylvania.‡ On August 14 the insurgents' convention was held at Parkinson's Ferry, and was attended by 226 delegates, of whom 93 were from Washington County, 49 from Westmoreland, 43 from Alleghany, 33 from Fayette, 2 from Bedford, and 5 from Ohio County in Virginia Edward Cocke was elected chairman and Albert Gallatin, secretary. Bradford attempted to induce the assembly to Their instructions are in American State mittee of public safety 249 commit treasonable acts, but with * Stevens, p. 82; Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 293. See also Gallatin's Speech in the Assembly of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1795). His Memoir on the insurrection is in Townsend Ward's Insurrection of 1794, in Pennsylvania Historical Society Memoirs, vol. vi. (cf. Pennsyl vania Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i., p. 349; Penna. Mag. of Hist., vol. v., p. 440). 250 * TROOPS SENT TO QUELL DISTURBANCE. teen unanimously favored the acceptance of the terms offered by the government. The larger committee of safety was somewhat divided in sentiment as to the proper course (the vote for submission standing 34 in favor and 23 against) and decided to refer the question to the people. The result of this reference showed that a large number were disposed to resist the reestablishment of civil authority. In reporting to the President, September 24, therefore, the commissioners declared that there is no probability that the act for raising a revenue on distilled spirits and stills can at present be enforced by the usual course of civil authority, and that some more competent force is necessary, to cause the laws to be duly executed, and to insure to the officers and well-disposed citizens, that protection, which it is the duty of government to afford."† Accordingly, on September 25, Washington issued his second proclamation, putting the military force into motion, and declaring that this step was taken "in obedience to that high and irresistible duty consigned to him by the Constitution, to take care that the laws be faithfully executed;" and proclaiming that he would reduce the refractory to a due * McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 200-202. On Gallatin's efforts to secure the submission of the people, see Stevens, Albert Gallatin, p. 84 et seq. See also Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History, vol. i., p. 96 et seq. For the report and documents, see American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., pp. 87-97. subordination to the law.* The militia was soon assembled and the general direction of it committed to Hamilton. General Thomas Mifflin led the Pennsylvania troops, and those of New Jersey (forming the right wing), were commanded by Governor Richard Howell. The left wing was composed of Virginia troops under Daniel Morgan and the Maryland troops under Samuel Smith, a Revolutionary soldier. The chief command was confided to Governor Henry Lee, of Virginia.‡ The army began its march into the insurgent country in October and soon affected the complete submission of the insurgents. A few of the leaders were seized and some detained for prosecution. These leaders, with the word" Insurgent" on their hats, were marched through the streets of Philadelphia; Bradford escaped into the Spanish dominions; two others of the leaders were tried for treason and found guilty, but were subsequently pardoned by the President (though Hamilton desired a severe penalty.)|| To guard against further outbreak, Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 161-162; American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., p. 97. † Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 461. See also Lodge, George Washington, vol. ii., pp. 125–126; Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, p. 183. For Hamilton's correspondence with Washington while he was with the troops, see Hamilton's Works, vol. v., pp. 42-55 (ed. 1851). Stevens, Albert Gallatin, p. 91. Hamilton's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. v., pp. 50-55; Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 295. The report of the trial is in Wharton, State Trials. p. 102 et seq. WASHINGTON'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. General Morgan, with 2,500 troops was left in the centre of the disturbed district until the following spring.* Thus, without bloodshed, was this insurrection quelled.† Stevens, Albert Gallatin, p. 96. On the Whiskey Insurrection, see William Findley, History of the Insurrection in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania (1794); H. H. Brackenridge, Incidents of the Insurrection; H. M. Brackenridge, History of the Western Insurrection; Townsend Ward, The Insurrection of the Year 1794 in the Western Counties of Pennsyl vania, in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. vi.; the account by J. Carnahan in Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. vi.; Report of the Secretary of the Treasury relative to the inexecution of the Excise Law in certain Counties of Pennsyl vania; the journals of the military expedition in the Historical Register (Harrisburg, 1883, pp. 64, 134); and in Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, vol. viii.; The Nation's First Re 251 When the time arrived for the meeting of Congress, November 3, 1794, there were not sufficient members of the Senate present to form a quorum, nor did that number arrive before the 18th. The next day Washington addressed the House in a longer speech than usual, laying particular stress on the insurrection in Pennsylvania and telling of the measures taken to suppress it.* He said that the promptitude with which the citizens had supported the government demonstrated that they understood the true principles of government and liberty, and that, notwithstanding all the devices which have been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are now as bellion, in Magazine of American History (Octo- ready to maintain the authority of ber, 1884). Personal relations will be found in the Autobiography of Charles Biddle, p. 262; G. M. Dallas, Life and Writings of A. J. Dallas, p. 33 and App. The party views of the Federalists will be found in Porcupine's Works, vol. i., and a contemporary view of the salutary effect of the exercise of Federal power in suppressing the rebellion, is in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (April, 1887, p. 373). The Republican view is in Randall, Life of Jefferson, vol. ii., p. 241; Rives, Life of Madison, vol. iii., p. 452; and, in a violent form, in J. T. Callender, Sketches of the History of America (Philadelphia, 1798). Washington's message of November 19, 1794, will be found in Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 162-168; and extracts in American State Papers, Miscellaneous, vol. i., pp. 83-85 (where will also be found the proclamations of August 7 and September 25, together with the papers accompanying the message) and MacDonald, Select Documents, pp. 130-135. The papers relating to the affair are also in Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 1st session, App., pp. 27912868. Gallatin's account of the insurrection is in his Writings, vol. iii., pp. 3–67. See also Hamilton's letters to Mifflin and Lee, in his Works, vol. v., pp. 1-11, 16-26, 38-42 (ed. 1851); Adams, the law against licentious invasions. as they were to defend their rights against usurpation. While he highly praised the militia, he said also — "To every description of citizens let praise be given. But let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them cherish it too, for the sake of those, who, from every clime, are daily seeking a dwelling in our land. And when, in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that those who rouse cannot always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an igno Gallatin, pp. 86–89, 91-93, 98, 123-141; Fisher, Pennsylvania, Colony and Commonwealth; Hildreth, vol. iv., pp. 373, 499; Albach, Western Annals, p. 687. Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 162-168. 252 DEBATE ON THE ANSWERS. rance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole Government." * The President then urged that Congress make an entire revision of the militia system, mentioning the progress of the army under Wayne and the state of Indian affairs. He again called attention to the fact that a plan for redeeming the public debt should be devised. "The time," said he, "which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open a way for a definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is believed that the result is such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work without delay. Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents." Regarding intercourse with foreign nations, he said: 66 After hearing the speech, both Houses proceeded to frame answers to it, and for more than a week the debates in the House were devoted to this subject. It was evident in both branches of Congress that the Republican party had less strength than it had displayed in the preceding session. The Senate, in its answer, approved the President's policy regarding foreign nations as well as his conduct in suppressing the whiskey rebellion. "Our anxiety," it said, arising from the licentious and open resistance of the laws in the western counties of Pennsylvania, has been increased by proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws and administration of the government; proceedings, in our apprehension, founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorganize our Government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have been influential in misleading our fellow-citizens in the scene of insurrection." * No objection was made to the President's foreign policy as a whole, but the clause respecting democratic societies warmly debated, though the answer as reported by the committee was adopted without modification. The House was silent with respect to the self-created societies, to General Wayne's success, and to the foreign policy of the President. It was impossible to carry either a direct cen was * Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., p. 168. DECLINE OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIETIES. sure of the societies or an approbation of the foreign policy of the President. Thus, after an animated debate, the opposition party triumphed.* This triumph over the administration momentarily revived the drooping energies of these turbulent societies, but the part played by them in fomenting insurrection in Pennsylvania had lost public support, and, in addition, they received a blow from a quarter where hostility was least expected. The remnant of the French convention had finally succeeded in bringing Robespierre to the guillotine, thus terminating his reign of terror. The colossal powers of the clubs declined, and, with the dissolution of the Jacobin clubs in France, their democratic prototypes in America began to lose influence. The political extinction of the former was the unerring signal for that of the latter.† But there were other reasons for their decline, the chief of which was the attack made in a series of pamphlets by Peter Porcupine (whose real name was William Cobbett), the most able, sarcastic and entertaining pamphleteer of that time in America. In 1794 Joseph Priestly, the chemist, had arrived in America, having come from England to avoid outrages at the hands of English mobs and insolence and injustice at the hands of English officials. Upon his arrival in *For the debate in the House on the answer to the President's speech, see Benton, Abridg ment of Debates, vol. i., pp. 532-541. See also McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 204-206. Marshall, Life of Washington, vol. ii., p. 353. 253 America, he was received with wild demonstrations of hatred toward England; addresses were presented him by the Democratic Society, the Tammany Society, and the Associated Teachers, the Republican natives of England and Ireland overwhelming him with their attention.* This aroused the indignation of Peter Porcupine, who wrote a pamphlet, entitled Observations on the Emigration of Doctor Joseph Priestly, by Peter Porcupine, in which he made severe strictures on these doings.t This pamphlet attracted the notice of the Federalists, and Porcupine was encouraged to continue in the same vein, with the result that he quickly produced some half dozen pamphlets assailing the follies and inconsistencies of the Democrats.‡ But though the Republicans were glad to see emigrants of the stamp of Priestly come to this country, there were others whom they dreaded to see enter American portals. There * McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 206-208. Priestly answered him in his Letters to the Inhabitants of Northumberland. Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, pp. 496500. See also Edward Smith, William Cobbett, a Biography (London, 1878), and the paper upon it in H. C. Lodge's Studies in History, p. 110. Some of Cobbett's chief American writings appear in J. M. and J. P. Cobbett's ed. of Selections from Cobbett's Political Works, being an Abridgment of the Writings of Porcupine, etc. (6 vols., London, 1835-48). See also Peter Porcupine's Works, exhibiting a faithful picture of the United States of America, their Government, Laws, Politics, Resources, Presidents, Governors, Legislators, Customs, Manners, Morals, Religion, Virtues, Vices, etc., from the End of the War in 1783 to 1801 (12 vols., London, 1801). * * |