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tax-eaters call this egotism. This pretended, or real, libellers, to is a proper time to remind the bail to answer the charge. PARSON Public of these movements of the HAY of Manchester fame, went THING. Such matters ought, further. He held to bail, and to upon every occasion like the pre-keep the peace and be of good besent, to be revived. Men of full haviour in the meanwhile! And, age are apt to forget them; and in SIX-ACTS, the power to do young men have hardly ever heard of them; and they ought to hear of them, and to fix them well in their minds.

this was made lawful! So that, now, every printer, publisher, writer and speaker in the kingdom might, and may, at any hour, be held to bail, or imprisoned in default of bail by any Magistrate, who thinks that he sees a libel in the publication, or speech of such printer, publisher, or speaker. And, mind, if the party commit a breach of the peace, or be not of good behaviour, in the meanwhile, he forfeits his recognizances, though he may be acquitted of the libel! Oh! envy of surrounding nations! Oh! admiration of the world!

Now, as to the arrest of Mr. O'Connell, it is curious enough as to its manner. Arrest and bail for libel before conviction is a very new thing. It was first invented by GIBBS, and introduced into a revenue-law! According to this law, all persons, accused of misdemeanor in information, filed by the Attorney-General, might, by him, be brought before a Judge, and, if he thought proper, might be held to bail to answer the charge, or be committed in default of bail. This lay dormant as to libellers, until the appearance of MAJOR HOGAN'S famous pamphlet, a Judge, and pray the Judge to the printer of which for want of hold to bail, there is no law in bail, was sent to prison. The Duke of York and Mrs. Clarke's affair soon got, however, into such a state as to cause the printer to be discharged without ever being brought to trial.

But, though the Attorney-General, when he has filed his information, may take the party before

England (and I know of none in Ireland) by which, at his suit or command, a magistrate can be set to work to arrest for libel and to hold to bail. Yet, Mr. ALDERMAN DARLEY arrests at Mr. PLUNMagistrates, acting on SID-KETT'S command; or, at least, so it MOUTH'S Circular of 1817, held appears from the above account.

Even GIBBS, with PERCIVAL for the bail! The magistrate is here Prime Minister, did not venture to a mere instrument in the hands of

the Attorney-General, who, if this be lawful, may thus set all the justices of peace in the kingdom to work.

Now, as to the charge against Mr. O'CONNELL, it appears (if the statement in the newspapers be correct), that he, at a Meeting of the Catholic Association, spoke

propose to send men to gaol, or to hold them to bail, on a mere charge of libel, without first taking them before a Judge. Here was some security for the accused party. He was to appear before the Judge: he was to show cause against the application of the Attorney-General: he was to be heard in his defence here: the Judge the following words:" Nations was a deeply responsible person: "have," he remarked, "been and it was not to be supposed," driven mad by oppression-he that the Attorney-General would," hoped that Ireland would never unless in a very aggravated case, "be driven to resort to the system bring an offender before him on an application of this sort.

"pursued by the Greeks and "South Americans to obtain their

To be sure, the SIX-ACTS" rights-he trusted in GoD they Jaw, which enables the magistrate" would never be so driven.

"wished that a new BOLIVAR may

He to hold to bail, or to commit in" hoped Ireland would be redefault of it, takes away much of" stored to her rights-but, if that~ this security to our persons; but" day should arrive-if she were still the magistrate was answer"driven mad by persecution, he able for his own doings: he was acting on his own authority. But," be found-may arise that the here, in this proceeding in Dublin, "spirit of the Greeks, and of the the Attorney-General avoids the "South Americans, may animate appeal to the Judge, and the ma- " the people of Ireland.” gistrate avoids acting under his If Mr. O'CONNELL had said, own authority! When Mr. O'CON- that, in the case which he hoped NELL asks, what is his precise of- would never arise, he wished" that fence, who is his accuser, the ma-"a new William the Dutchman gistrate cannot answer; he refers" would be found, would arise, Mr. O'CONNELL to the Attorney-" that the spirit of the ENGLISH General, though he, the magis- "would animate the people of trate, issues the warrant, and takes" Ireland;" if he had said this,"

STONE says that it must be an extreme case; and can a case be more extreme than that of a people driven to madness by persecution?

instead of talking of Bolivar, the (men in taking arms against their Greeks and the South Americans, Sovereign; and, does not Mr. how prodigiously he would have O'CONNELL contemplate an "erpuzzled Mr. PLUNKETT and Mr. treme case"? He says that he ALDERMAN DARLEY. What has trusts in God that the provocation Mr. O'CONNELL said here that will never arise; but that," if has not been said ten thousand "Ireland were driven mad by times over by all the eminent" persecution," then he hopes that speakers and writers on that which a new Bolivar will arise. BLACKis called the Glorious Revolution of 1688. That event is called Glorious; that event placed the present family upon the Throne of this Kingdom; that event contained, or rather, was the effect of a series of foul conspiracies and of the blackest and most villanous rebellion, and William was never a lawful King, and the present family have no more right to the Throne than I have, if we reject as false and unsound, if we deem to be seditious and disloyal the doctrine of a right to resist oppression.

However, let us not rest upon BLACKSTONE. Let us go to the statutes themselves, and see what the law of the land says upon this subject of a right to resistance. In the 13th and 14th years of Charles the Second, an act was passed, or rather, two acts, chapter 3d and chapter 4th of those years, requiring from officers in the army, and from persons in the church, and schoolmasters, to subscribe a declaration in the following words: “I, A. B. do de"clare that it is not lawful upon "C any pretence whatsoever to take We" arms against the King." Now, it is very well known, that many of the people did take arms against King James the Second and his heirs. It is very well known, that he was, by force of arms, expelled from the kingdom and the throne,

But, let us not, in justice, in bare justice, to this public-spirited and excellent man; let us not slur this matter over by resting upon what writers or speakers may have said upon the subject. have, indeed, the grave authority of BLACKSTONE to warrant us in saying that this is a right inherent in all mankind. Blackstone does, indeed, say, that it must be an "extreme case" that can warrant

and his family after him; and oppression acknowledged and enthat, too, upon the ground that the acted. And is it then criminal to

people have in them an inherent right to resist oppression.

say that we would act, in case of,
the most monstrous oppression
that could be conceived, agree-
ably to that which is clearly the
law of the land? Mr. O'CONNELL
supposes a case ten thousand times
more aggravated than that which
existed at the time of the Revo-
lution of 1688. He supposes a
case of a people driven to mad-
ness by persecution, and in such
a case, expresses a hope that re-
sistance would take place; and,
while the Orangemen are stun-
ning us to death with their bawl-
ings about the glorious Revolution;
while they are telling us that
King William ought to be looked
upon as a deliverer; while they
are dressing his statue and danc-
ing like cannibals around it;

When, therefore, WILLIAM and MARY were, in virtue of that resistance on the part of the people, seated on the throne of this kingdom, an Act was passed (chap. 8 of the first year of their reign) in which Act this provision of the 13th and 14th of Charles the Second was expressly repealed. This Act (section the 11th) says, And be it further enacted, "that "the oath appointed by the sta“tute made in the 13th and 14th "of King Charles the Second "(here the title of the act is in"serted) as expressed in these “words: “I, A. B. declare, that “it is not lawful, under any pre“tence whatever, to take arms "against the King, SHALL while they celebrate the day of his "NOT FROM HENCE- landing with the Dutch troops to "FORTH BE REQUIRED " OR ENJOINED, nor any per"son suffer any forfeiture, pe“nalty or loss, by the not taking, "subscribing or making the said "oath, or the said recited part of "the said declaration, the last fore" mentioned statutes, or any other "law or statute to the contrary in "anywise notwithstanding."

assist Englishmen to resist, and in arms to resist, their Sovereign, they exult in the hope that they shall, somehow or other, see Mr. O'CONNELL destroyed for uttering a sentiment consonant to the principle of that Revolution.

It is impossible to place the matter in a clearer light than it is here placed. Language like that Here, then, as clear as day- of Mr. O'CONNELL is not only light, is the right of resistance of strictly within the letter of the law,

but it is language that is made forth in his defence; but none use of every day in England by more gallantly than that of the every writer on the side of public Editor of the Morning Chronicle, liberty, and of justice. BLACK- who has given us the following STONE (a very cautious writer, in- extract of a letter published by deed), takes occasion to express SIR HARCOURT LEES:-"In the his utter contempt for the doctrine" event of the Irish Government of passive obedience. He says "not being permitted, by the inthat the common sense of man- "fatuated and ignorant cabal in kind is not to be insulted by such" His MAJESTY'S Cabinet, (who a doctrine; and, if such a doc-" have degraded the British Emtrine had been consonant even to "pire, and nearly lost Ireland by the Catholic Religion, we never" their temporizing policy,) to should have seen that MAGNA" adopt such immediate measures CHARTA which has been so long," for the preservation of this and so justly, the boast of the" country as the pressing exigency country. Every one knows, that" of the times requires, I will, at that famous charter was extorted" every risk, take the responsifrom an oppressor by force of "bility on myself of protecting arms, but every one does not "this Island for my venerated know that it was extorted at the " Sovereign; and I will instantly instigation of the Archbishop of" recommend to the Protestants of Canterbury of that day, and that "Ulster to form a great Military' it was witnessed by more Bishops" Confederation. and Abbots than by all other per-"Should this despicable Cabinet sons put together. "System be persevered in two Mr. O'CONNELL is, therefore," months longer, I will consider justified by the principles of the "it to be my duty as your ac-' Revolution of 1688, by the law of "knowledged Protector, to pass the land, as it now stands, and by "in review the entire Protestant the principles and practice of that" force of Ulster early in March, ancient Church of which he him-" by which period I shall arrange self is now the great defender. "such a military organization for Gentlemen, this arrest and hold-" the Province as shall render it' ing to bail of Mr. O'CONNELL are a matter of perfect indifference seen, in England, in their true to me whether Mr. George Canlight. Many able pens have come "ning and the Popish Grenvilles

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