persed, had been reinforced from Pondicherry with 300 Europeans and nearly 3,000 Sepoys. The issue of the battle, however, was a complete victory to Clive; the enemy's military chest, containing a hundred thousand rupees, fell into the hands of his Mahrattas; and not less than 600 of the French Sepoys, dispirited by their failure, came over with their arms, and consented to serve in the English ranks.

Clive next proceeded against the great PAGODA, or Hindoo temple, of Conjeveram, into which the French had thrown a garrison. Their governor, who had lately surprised and taken two wounded English officers, sent Clive warning, that if the pagoda were attacked the prisoners should be exposed on the walls to the first fire of their countrymen. But a private note was added by the brave officers themselves, their names deserve to be recorded; Lieutenants Revel and Glass, entreating Clive to take no heed of their safety, and to do his duty at all risks. The barbarous threat was not, however, put in execution, and Clive, entering the place, after three days' cannonade, found the French garrison escaped by night, and the English officers unhurt.

Notwithstanding these events, Rajah Sahib was not disheartened. In January 1752, finding that Clive had marched to Fort St. David, he suddenly collected a body of his own troops and of his French auxiliaries, and pushed forwards to Madras. There was little or no force to withstand him in the open field, and he laid waste, without resistance, the gardens and the countryhouses of the British merchants. Clive was recalled in haste from the south; and at the village of Coverpauk he again encountered Rajah Sahib; again with complete success. From the scene of action he marched back in triumph to Fort St. David, passing on his way near the newly raised "City of the Victory of Dupleix," and the foundation of the pompous Pillar. By a just requital, Clive directed that these monuments of premature exultation should be razed to the ground.

At Trichinopoly the effect of Clive's earliest successes had been to turn the siege into a languid blockade, and with

INDIA.]

SURRENDER AT SERINGHAM.

323 a little more energy on the part of the English garrison it might no doubt have been wholly raised; but all our leaders were not Clives. The indecision and want of enterprise of Captain Gingen excited the murmurs even of his own soldiers, and yet more of his auxiliaries. "Surely," cried one of the Mahrattas, "these are not the same race of men as those we saw fighting at Arcot!"

Such being the state of affairs, the heads of the English Presidency resolved to send a new expedition to Trichinopoly under Clive's command. At this period, however, Major Lawrence returned from Europe. Many a junior officer, flushed with successes, such as Clive's, might have disdained to serve under a senior. Many a senior officer, on the other hand, might have been jealous of such a junior. To the credit both of Clive and of Lawrence no such feelings appear to have sprung up between them. Clive continued his strenuous exertions in the public cause; and Lawrence, a good, though not a brilliant soldier, always readily employed and warmly acknowledged the talents of his second in command.

The expedition to Trichinopoly, led by Lawrence and Clive, was crowned with triumphant success. Lawrence adopted the daring proposal of Clive to divide, at the risk of receiving a separate attack, — the army into two divisions, so as to surround the French. There arose some difficulty from the strict rules of seniority in our service to give, as Lawrence desired, the command of one division to Clive, who was the youngest Captain of his force. But his doubts were speedily solved by his auxiliaries, the Mahrattas and Mysoreans, who declared that they would take no part in this enterprise unless it were directed by the defender of Arcot. In the result the French besiegers of Mahomed Ali were themselves besieged in the island of Seringham in the river Cavery, and were compelled to lay down their arms. Chunda Sahib himself surrendered to a native chief named Monackjee, who took an oath for his safety on his own sabre

* Orme's Hist., vol. i. p. 220. Malcolm's Life of Clive, vol. i. p. 110,

and poniard, the most sacred of all oaths to an Indian soldier, but who, nevertheless, shortly afterwards put his prisoner to death. "The Mahrattas," says Mr. Orme, "scarcely rate the life of a man at the value of his turban."

The severed head of Chunda Sahib, a man whose benevolence and humanity are acknowledged even by his enemies, was borne into the city of Trichinopoly, and into the presence of the Nabob, Mahomed Ali, who now for the first time beheld the face of his rival. After exhibiting the gory trophy in triumph to his courtiers, it was by his directions tied to the neck of a camel, and carried five times round the walls of the city, attended by an hundred thousand spectators, and insulted by every form of outrage. Such were the customs and the feelings from which India has been freed by the British dominion!

It might have been expected that such successes, — and, above all, the murder of one of the competitors, would finally decide the conquest for the government of the Carnatic. But immediately after his victory Mahomed Ali had become involved in dissensions with his allies, the Mahrattas and Mysoreans, to whom he had promised, without ever really intending, the cession of Trichinopoly. These bickerings gave fresh life and spirit to Dupleix. Although he found his recent policy disapproved by his employers in Europe, although he received from them only reproofs instead of supplies, although the recruits sent out to him were, cording to his own description, no other than "boys, shoe"blacks, and robbers,' - he yet clung to his own schemes with unconquerable perseverance. He laboured to train and discipline his recruits; and, in the want of other funds, he advanced for the public service not less than 140,0007. of his own money. He hastened to acknowledge Rajab Sahib as Nabob of Arcot; and on the incapacity of that competitor becoming apparent, still not discouraged, he proclaimed another chieftain in his place. Nor did he intermit the most

ac

"Enfans, decrotteurs, et bandits!" Lettre à M. de Machault, le 16 Octobre 1753. The English recruits in India were little better.

INDIA.]

CLIVE RETURNS TO EUROPE.

325

active negotiations with the Nizam. This was no longer Mirzapha Jung, who had survived his elevation only a few months, but his successor, Salabat Jung, who had been elected mainly by the French influence, and generally leaned to the French interest. At the Court of this prince Dupleix had for some time past stationed his best officer, Bussy, whose、 abilities had gained him great weight, and enabled the Nizam to prevail over his numerous opponents. "Had I only a se"cond Bussy," writes Dupleix, "I should long ago have put 66 an end to the war in the Carnatic." It was with other and far inferior officers that Dupleix now resumed hostilities, again attempted Arcot, and again besieged Trichinopoly. Notwithstanding all his exertions, the warfare proved weak and languid, and was far from enabling the French to recover their lost ground.

Clive had for some time continued to distinguish himself in the desultory operations which followed the surrender of Seringham. He had reduced in succession the two important forts of Covelong and Chingleput. But his health was beginning to fail beneath the burning sun of India; his return to England had become essential to his recovery, and he embarked at Madras early in the year 1753, immediately after his marriage to Miss Margaret Maskelyne. He found himself received at home with well-earned approbation and rewards. The Court of Directors at one of their public dinners drank the health of the young Captain by the name of "General Clive," ** and, not satisfied with this convivial compliment, voted him the gift of a sword set with diamonds. It is greatly to the honour of Clive that he refused to accept this token of esteem, unless the same were bestowed on his old and worthy commander, Major Lawrence, which was done accordingly.

Far different were the feelings which the Directors of the French East India Company entertained towards Dupleix. They looked with slight interest on the struggles for the

Lettre à M. de Machault, le 16 Oetobre 1753.

**Letter to Clive from his father, December 15. 1752.

Carnatic, and thought the failure of their Dividends an unanswerable argument against the policy of their Governor. A negotiation for the adjustment of all differences was carried on for some time in London between them and their English rivals. At length they determined to send over M. Godeheu, as their Commissioner, to India, with full powers to conclude a peace, and to supersede Dupleix. Godeheu landed at Pondicherry in August 1754, and hastened to sign with the chiefs of the English Presidency a provisional treaty, to be confirmed or annulled in Europe, according to which the French party yielded nearly all the points at issue, and virtually acknowledged Mahomed Ali as Nabob of the Carnatic.

Dupleix, who looked on this pacification with unavailing grief and anger, had, even before its final conclusion, embarked for France. There he found neither reward for the services he had rendered nor even repayment for the sums he had advanced. Where was now that proud and wily Satrap, so lately bedecked with pompous titles, and glittering with the gold of Trichinopoly or the diamonds of Golconda? Had any curious travellers at the time sought an answer to that question they might have found the fallen statesman reduced, as is told us by himself, to the most deplorable indigence, compiling in some garret another fruitless Memorial, or waiting for many a weary hour in some Under-Secretary's antechamber. For several years he pursued most unavailingly his claims and his complaints, until in 1763 he expired, sick at heart and broken in fortunes, like his rival and his victim, La Bourdonnais.