that the commerce of the country was one mass of simulation and dissimulation; that our traders crept along the shores of the enemy in darkness and silence waiting for an opportunity of carrying into effect the simulative means, by which they sought to carry on their business; that such a system led to private violation of morality and honour of the most alarming description; and that, instead of benefiting our commerce, manufactures, and resources, the orders in Council diminished our commerce, distressed our manufactures, and lessened our resources. Yet all these warnings and expostulations were unheeded. The national mind was preoccupied by the one thought of compelling France and her military leader to a complete submission; and no consideration of a commercial or pecuniary character, no regard to the bearing of her measures upon other countries, were sufficient to induce a reversal of this military and naval policy.

Upwards of fifteen years had elapsed since the first shot was fired between England and France after the Great Revolution, and yet the two nations were as intent as ever on securing their mutual destruction. England had indeed learnt, by this time, to make light of all such decrees, and she had found by experience that British goods found their way to the Continent in spite of all vindictive measures. But the attitude of the United States became more and more threatening, and the nation saw an absolute necessity for revising the policy of the orders in Council. For years past Lord Temple, Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Perceval, Sir John Nichols, had brought the subject before the House, and many a long discus sion had taken place on the subject. In their opinion this country had, without any alleged provocation from the United States of America, interrupted nearly the whole of their commerce with Europe, and they held that such orders in Council were unjust and impolitic, and that the issuing of them, at the time and under the circumstance, was an act of the utmost improvidence and rashness. Yet the nation was disposed to be guided by the Government, and when Lord Grenville moved resolutions of similar import, in 1809, When, however, the United further in the way of preparation for open hostilities, the merchants States, after having passed the Non-intercourse Act, proceeded still began to speak their mind on the subject; and from London, Hull, Bristol, and all the chief ports, petitions came to the Legislature praying for the revocation of the obnoxious orders. The merchants of London represented that trade was in a miserable condition, chiefly from the want of the customary intercourse with the wages of labour very low; that the aspect of affairs threatened additional suffering to those then experienced; that since all the evils then suffered were owing to the continuance of the war, was all-important to obtain, if possible, an early restoration of the

he met with no better response.

it

blessings of peace; that it was not from any dread of the enemy that they made such a request, but from a desire that no opportunity might be lost of entering into negotiations for the purpose; that, in their opinion, it was a great error to suppose that the policy of the orders in Council could in any way be beneficial to trade; but that, on the contrary, they regarded with extreme apprehension its effect on our relations with the United States of America. The merchants of Hull complained that the system of license sapped public morals; those of Bristol represented that they suffered intensely in their general trade; and riots occurred in Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Cheshire.

On April 28, 1812, the House of Commons agreed, without a division, to hear evidence in support of these petitions; and, on June 16, Mr., afterwards Lord, Brougham moved, That an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, representing to his Royal Highness that this House has, for some time past, been engaged in an enquiry into the present depressed state of the manufactures and commerce of the country, and the effects of the orders in Council issued by his Majesty in the years 1807 and 1809; assuring his Royal Highness that this House will at all times support his Royal Highness, to the utmost of its power, in maintaining those just maritime rights which have essentially contributed to the prosperity and honour of the realm; but beseeching his Royal Highness that he would be graciously pleased to recall or suspend the said orders, and to adopt such measures as may tend to conciliate neutral powers, without sacrificing the rights and dignity of his Majesty's Crown.' In the most graphic manner Lord Brougham depicted the distress of the country, showed how erroneous was the idea that what we lost in the European trade we gained in any other quarter, and warned the country of the certainty of a war with America if the orders were not at once rescinded. I know,' he said, 'I shall be asked, whether I would recommend any sacrifice for the mere purpose of conciliating America. I recommend no sacrifice of honour for that or for any purpose; but I will tell you that I think we can well, and safely, for our honour, afford to conciliate America. Never did we stand so high since we were a nation in point of military character. We have it in abundance, and even to spare. This unhappy and seemingly interminable war, lavish as it has been in treasure, still more profuse of blood and barren of real advantage, has at least been equally lavish of glory. Its feats have not merely sustained the warlike fame of the nation, which Would have been much; they have done what seemed scarcely possible they have greatly exalted it. They have covered our arms with immortal renown. Then, I say, use this glory-use this proud height on which we now stand for the purpose of peace and conciliation with America. Let this and its incalculable benefits

be the advantage which we reap from the war in Europe, for the fame of that war enables us safely to take it. And who, I demand, give the most disgraceful counsels-they who tell you we are in military character but of yesterday, we yet have a name to win, we stand on doubtful ground, we dare not do as we list for fear of being thought afraid; we cannot, without loss of name, stoop to pacify our American kinsmen? or I, who say we are a great, a proud, a warlike people; we have fought everywhere, and conquered wherever we have fought; our character is eternally fixedit stands too firm to be shaken; and, on the faith of it, we may do towards America safely for our honour that which we know our interests require? This perpetual jealousy of America! Good God! I cannot, with temper, ask on what it rests. It drives me to a passion to think of it! Jealousy of America! I should as soon think of being jealous of the tradesman who supplies me with necessaries, or the client who entrusts his suits to my patronage. Jealousy of America! whose armies are as yet at the plough, or making, since your policy has willed it, so awkward (though improving) attempts at the loom-whose assembled navies could not lay siege to an English harbour! Jealousy of a power which is necessarily peaceful as well as weak, but which, if it had all the ambition of France, and her armies to back it, and all the navy of England to boot-nay, had it the lust of conquests which marks your enemies and your own army as well as navy to gratify, it is placed at so vast a distance as to be perfectly harmless! And this is the nation of which, for our honour's sake, we are desired to cherish a perpetual jealousy for the ruin of our best interests. I trust, sir, that no such phantom of the brain will scare us from the path of our duty. The advice which I tender is not the same which has at all times been offered to this country. There is one memorable era in our history when other uses were made of our triumphs from those which I recommend. By the Treaty of Utrecht, which the reprobation of ages has left inadequately censured, we were content to obtain, as the whole price of Ramillies and Blenheim, an additional share of the accursed slave trade. I give you other counsels. I should have you employ the glory which you have won at Talavera and Corunna in restoring your commerce to. its lawful, open, honest course; and rescue it from the mean and hateful channels in which it has lately been confined. And if any thoughtless boaster, in America or elsewhere, should vaunt that you have yielded through fear, I would not bid him wait until some new achievement of our arms put him to silence, but I would counsel you in silence to disregard him.'

The effect of such an appeal was fatal to the whole system. The Government saw that resistance was no longer possible, and on April 21 the Prince Regent made a declaration that the orders in Council would be revoked as soon as the Berlin and Milan decrees

should be repealed. But it was too late. America had by this time ceased to maintain a neutral attitude. And having made a secret treaty with Napoleon, she laid an embargo on all British vessels in American ports, declared war against England, and proceeded to make an ineffectual attack upon Canada. The political condition of Europe, however, at this stage happily assumed a brighter aspect. The long-desired peace began to dawn on the horizon, and in rapid succession the news came of the battle of Leipzig, the entry of the Allies into Paris, and the abdication of Bonaparte. Negotiations then commenced in earnest, and they issued in the treaty of peace and Congress of Vienna, which once more restored order and symmetry in the political organisation of Europe. 13 On December 24, 1814, a treaty of peace was signed between the United Kingdom and the United States. On June 9, 1815,14 the principal act of the Congress of Vienna was signed, which established the future political relations of the European states, and laid down the regulations for the free navigation of rivers. And on July 27 of the same year a treaty of commerce was concluded between Great Britain and the United States of America.

APPENDIX.

Decree of the Emperor of the French declaring the British Islands in a State of Blockade, and prohibiting all Commerce with England; issued at Berlin, November 21, 1806, and known as the Berlin Decree. The Imperial Camp at Berlin: November 21, 1806. NAPOLEON, Emperor of the French and King of Italy. Whereas

1. England does not follow the Law of Nations, universally followed by all civilised (policés) peoples, in

2. That she declares an enemy every individual belonging to a state at war, and considers, therefore, as prisoners of war not only the crews of armed war ships, but also the crews of merchant vessels, and even agents of commerce, and merchants who travel on their commercial affairs;

"The total cost of the war with France, from 1793 to 1815 (the war expenditure continued till 1817), was 831,446,4497. The national debt, which in 1793 amounted to 247,874,4341., rose in 1815 to 861,039,0491.

"The treaties of Vienna had to deal with the financial as well as with the political condition of States. By agreement dated August 10, 1815, France became bound to pay 185,840,130f. to the Allied Powers for the maintenance of the 1,135,000 men, the army of occupation. And by the treaty of November 15 France undertook to pay 700,000,000 f. to the Allied Powers as war contribution, to pay all legitimate debts, and also the expense of occupation of 150,000 men for five years. Numerous claims were, moreover, made by the Banks of Hamburg, Amsterdam, Genoa, the Swiss bankers, and many merchants for losses and destruction of their property, amounting in all to 2,700,000,000 f., and all these claims were settled by means of loans contracted with the banking houses of Baring and Hope.

I

3. That she extends to merchant ships and merchandise of trade, and to the property of private persons the right of capture, which should only be applied to what belongs to the State at war;

4. That she extends to towns and ports of commerce not fortified, to docks, and to the mouths of rivers the right of blockade, which, according to the usage of all civilised peoples, is only applicable to fortified places;

That she declares as blockaded places before which there is not a single war vessel, though a place is not blockaded except when really invested, so that it is impossible to approach to it without an eminent danger;

That she declares also in a state of blockade places which all the united forces would be incapable of blockading, such as entire coasts and a whole empire;

5. That this monstrous abuse of the right of blockade has no other object but to hinder communication between nations, and so to raise the commerce and industry of England on the ruin of the industry and commerce of the Continent;

6. That, such being the evident object of England, whosoever trades on the Continent in English merchandise favours thereby her designs, and makes himself an accomplice ;

7. That this conduct of England, worthy of the first ages of barbarism, has profited that power to the injury of all the other powers;

8. That, by natural law, one has a right to oppose to the enemy the arms which he himself uses, and to combat him in the same manner as he combats, when he ignores all ideas of justice and every liberal sentiment, the result of civilisation among men

We have resolved to apply to England the usages which she has established in her maritime legislation.

And the regulations of the present decree shall be held as fundamental principles of the Empire, until England recognises that the law of war is one and the same on land and at sea, that she cannot extend the same to any private property whatever, nor to persons strangers to the profession of arms, and that the laws of blockade must be restricted to fortified places really invested by sufficient forces.

We have, consequently, decreed, and do decree, as follows:

Article I.-The British Islands are declared in a state of blockade. Article II.-All commerce and all correspondence with the British Islands are prohibited.

Consequently, letters or packets addressed to either England or to an Englishman, or written in the English language, shall have no circulation through the post, and will be seized.

Article III.-Every individual English subject, of whatever state and condition, found in the countries occupied by our troops or by those of our allies will be made prisoner of war.

Article IV. Every warehouse, every merchandise, every property, of whatever nature it be, belonging to an English subject will be declared good prize.

Article V.-Commerce in English merchandise is prohibited, and every merchandise belonging to England, or obtained from her manufactories and her colonies, will be declared good prize.