there is no law there can be no true liberty, and that it is the due and regular course of law and support of government which can alone ensure to us and our posterity the enjoyment of our lives, liberty and property.

We will cheerfully concur in the several matters recommended by your Excellency, and give them that serious attention which the utility of them requires.

By order of the House.

(His Excellency's Answer.)

HONOURABLE GENTLEMEN,

N. JONES.

The loyalty and affection expressed towards his Majesty, in this address, give me the greatest satisfaction, as it likewise does to see that your sentiments on the very important matters mentioned in many respects coincide with my own; and happy would it have been for America had the several legislatures proceeded in the manner you propose.

I return you my best thanks, gentlemen, for your kind opinion of my regard for, and wishes to serve this Province.

JAMES WRIGHT.

To his Excellency, Sir JAMES WRIGHT, Baronet, Captain-General, and Governor-in-Chief of his Majesty's Province of Georgia, Chancellor and Vice-Admiral of the same.

The Address of the Commons House of Assembly :

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,-We, his Majesty's dutiful and most loyal subjects, the Commons of Georgia in General Assembly, return your Excellency our thanks for your speech to both Houses on the opening of this session.

We are greatly obliged to his Majesty for his gracious intentions : but allow us, sir, to observe, that we apprehended the Province was actually involved in a war, when we submitted our Petition for assistance; and, whilst we confess our real obligations to your Excellency for your conduct, assiduity, and perseverance, and render you our warmest acknowledgments for putting a happy end to that war, we cannot, but with horror, reflect on the dreadful crisis to which this Province must have been reduced, had we experienced no other resource than those dilatory succours which the administration meant conditionally to afford us.

We cannot be less affected by, and concerned for, the present alarming situation of our affairs between Great Britain and America, than your Excellency: we would be equally insensible not to feel our numerous grievances, and not to wish them redressed; it is that alone which every good American contends for; it is the enjoyment of our constitutional rights and liberties that softens every care of life, and renders existence itself supportable. At the same time, in all our

proceedings, we shall studiously avoid every measure that shall not appear to us at once strictly consonant with our duty to his Majesty, and the interest, liberty, and welfare of our constituents. We shall, on all occasions, exert ourselves to accomplish every assurance we have already made, or may make to your Excellency, and will not fail to take into consideration the bill which you are pleased to point out and recommend. When the public accounts and estimates are laid before us, we will give them proper attention.

By order of the House.

WILLIAM YOUNG, Speaker.

(His Excellency's Answer.)

MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN OF THE

COMMONS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY :

I am sorry that I must beg leave to differ with you in opinion with respect to the state we were in, when your Petition to his Majesty was given to me, and which I immediately transmitted.. It is true several people had been murdered by Indians, but I conceive that that could by no means be called actually involved in a war with the Nation. There were murders committed by a small party only of Creek Indians, without the concurrence, or even the privity of the Nation, and disavowed by them as soon as they knew of it; and I apprehend something further was necessary, before we could be said to be involved in actual war with the Indians; and every account I received from them after this time was favourable, and showed rather a pacific than a hostile disposition; and which accounts I always transmitted to his Majesty's Secretary of State, as it was my duty to do. It gives me great pleasure to observe my conduct approved of by the Representatives of the people, and for which I thank you. I have every inducement to serve the Province, and to promote the welfare and happiness of the people, and which I shall continue to do to the utmost of my power; and on the other hand, I cannot doubt but you will also approve all my endeavours to discharge my duty to the Crown, with honour and integrity. And let me assure you, gentlemen, that no man can more wish his Majesty's American subjects the full and present enjoyment of their constitutional rights and liberties than I do.

JAMES WRIGHT.

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, GEO., January, 1775. The House, taking under consideration that the Parliament of Great Britain claim a power of right to bind the people of America by statute, in all cases whatsoever, and who have in some acts ex pressly imposed taxes on the Americans, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue; hath established a

Board of Commissioners with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of the Courts of Admiralty, not only for collecting the duties imposed by the said acts, but for the trial of causes merely rising within the body of a county. And whereas standing armies have been, and now are kept in America in time of profound peace; and being resolved in Parliament, that, by force of a statute made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Henry the Eighth, colonists may be transported to England and tried there upon accusations for treason, misprisions, or concealments of treasons committed in the colonies; and, by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned. And whereas, also, assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on the grievances: Therefore, this House doth, as Englishmen, their ancestors, in like cases have usually done, for assisting and vindicating their Rights and Liberties,-Declare :

First.-That the inhabitants of the English Colonies of North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English Constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following Rights:

Secondly. That they are entitled to life, liberty and property, and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever a right to dispose of either, without their consent.

Thirdly. That our ancestors, that first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural-born subjects within the realm of England.

Fourthly. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of these rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.

Fifthly. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in the legislative council: and as the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances cannot properly be represented in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation, in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved in all cases of taxation and internal policy, subject only to the negative of their sovereigns, in such a manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed: but from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are bona fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole Empire to the mother country and the commercial benefits of its respective members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America without their consent.

Sixthly.-That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law.

Seventhly. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, and which they have by experience respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances.

Eighthly.-That his Majesty's colonies are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws.

Ninthly. That they have a right peaceably to assemble and consider of their grievances, and petition the King, and that all the prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal.

Tenthly. That the keeping a standing army in these colonies in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law.

Eleventhly.-And as it is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English Constitution, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other—

Resolved, That the exercise of legislative power in any colony, by a coun cil appointed during pleasure by the Crown, may prove dangerous and destructive to the freedom of American legislation.

All and each of which the Commons of Georgia, in General Assembly, met to claim, demand, and insist on as their indubitable rights and liberties, which cannot be legally taken from them, altered, or abridged, by any power whatsoever, without their consent.

And whereas, there are many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and interest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the close of the said war, which demonstrates a system formed to enslave America.

Resolved, That the following acts of Parliament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists, and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony between Great Britain and the American Colonies-viz.: The several acts of 4 George the Third, chapter 15 and chapter 34; 5 George the Third, chapter 25; 6 George the Third, chapter 52; 7 George the Third, chapter 41 and chapter 46; 8 George the Third, chapter 22, which imposes duties for the purpose of raising revenue in America-extend the powers of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits-deprive the American subjects of trial by jury-authorize the judge's certificate to indemnify the prose~ cutor of damages that he may otherwise be liable to-requiring oppressive security from a claimant of ships and goods, seized before he shall be allowed to defend his property-and are subversive of American rights.

Also, 12 George the Third, chapter 24, entitled "An Act for the better securing his Majesty's Dock-yards, Magazines, Ships, Ammunition, and Stores," which declares a new offence in America, and deprives the American subjects of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the trial of any person charged with committing any offence described in the said act out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county within the realm.

Also, the three acts passed in the last session of Parliament, for the stopping

the port and blocking up the harbour of Boston; for altering the charter and government of Massachusetts Bay, and that which is entitled "An Act for the better administration of justice," &c.

Also, the act passed in the same session, for establishing the Roman Catholic Religion in the Province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger from so total a dissimilarity of religion, law and government to the neighbouring British Colònies, by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from France.

Also, the act passed in the same session, for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his Majesty's service in North America.

Also, that the keeping a standing army in several of these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which said army is kept, is against law.

Resolved, That the thanks of this House be given to the members of the late Continental Congress, for their wise and able exertions in the cause of American Liberty.

Resolved, That ***** be Deputies to represent this Province in the intended American Continental Congress proposed to be held in the City of Philadelphia on the 10th of May next, or any other place or time as may hereafter be agreed on by the said Congress.*

Ordered, That Mr. Speaker do transmit a copy of the above resolves to the Honourable Peyton Randolph, Esq., President of the said Congress.

Association entered into by forty-five of the Deputies assembled in Provincial Congress, at Savannah, in Georgia, on the 18th of January, 1775, and by them subscribed on the 23rd, when they chose NOBLE WYMBERLEY JONes, ARCHIBALD BULLOCH, and JOHN HOUSTOUN, Esquires, Delegates to represent that Colony in the Continental Congress, to be held in May next.

Whereas, a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, faithfully adhered to, will probably prove the most speedy, effectual, and peaceable measure to obtain redress of American grievances, we do therefore, for ourselves and our constituents, firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honour, and love of our country, as follows:

First. That we will not receive into this Province any goods, wares, or merchandise that shall be shipped from Great Britain or Ireland after the 15th day of March next, or from any other place any such goods, wares or merchandise as shall be shipped from these kingdoms after that time, except such as come under the rules and directions of the Ninth Article herein mentioned; and except such goods, wares or merchandise as are absolutely necessary for carrying on the Indian trade, subject, nevertheless, to the control of the Continental

* See letter from Noble Wymberley Jones, Archibald Bulloch, and John Houstoun, to the President of the Continental Congress, dated Savannah, April 6, 1775.