The fate of the Sheares has been invested with something of a romantic interest; and not a few traditional accounts describe their end as not less saintly than that of Charles the First. Into their case, as in that of other political martyrs, some romance has been imported; and as truth is stranger than fiction, we may tell an anecdote communicated to us on November 21st, 1857, by the late John Patten, brother-in-law of Thomas Addis Emmet. The Sheareses, though no-. minally Protestants, were tinged with deistical ideas. "I heard it stated", observed Mr. Patten, "that when the hangman was in the act of adjusting the noose round the neck of John Sheares before proceeding to the scaffold, he exclaimed, 'D-n you, do you want to kill me before my time?' I could not credit it, and asked the Rev. Dr. Gamble, who attended them in their last moments, if the statement were correct. 'I am sorry to say, replied Dr. Gamble, that it is perfectly true. I myself pressed my hand against his mouth to prevent a repetition of the imprecation"".

6

J.

THE REIGN OF TERROR IN IRELAND.

Exception has been taken to impressions of the reign of terror in Ireland, whether derived from traditional sources which possess no personal knowledge of it, and, on the principle that a story never loses in its carriage, may be prone to exaggeration; or from the testimony of partisan participators in the struggle, who still smart from the combined effects of wrong received and unsatisfied vengeance.

The Viceroy, Lord Cornwallis, is at least a witness above suspicion. In a letter dated April 15th, 1799, he writes:

"On my arrival in this country I put a stop to the burning of houses and murder of the inhabitants by the yeomen, or any other persons who delighted in that amusement; to the flogging for the purpose of extorting confession; and to the free-quarters, which comprehend universal rape and robbery throughout the whole country". And on the 24th July, 1798, we are assured, "except in the instances of the six state trials that are going on here, there is no law either in town or county but martial law, and you know enough of that, to see all the horrors of it, even in the best administration of it. Judge, then, how it must be conducted by Irishmen, heated with passion and revenge. But all this is trifling compared with the numberless murders which are hourly committed by our people without any process or examination whatever".

*

To either of the objections just noticed, advanced by persons who are sceptical as to the extent of the Irish Reign of Terror, General Sir George Cockburn, who fought against the rebels, is not open. From his representative, Phineas Cockburn, Esq., of Shangana Castle, we have received several interesting MSS. in the autograph of the General, which possess much interest for the students of the calamitous period of '98.

"Sampson's papers", observes General Cockburn, in a letter to Lord Anglesey, "contained details of most horrible outrages on the people, of cruelty and foul deeds. Of course violence begets violence, and though the people, in many cases, were driven to retaliation, it was not before murder, burning, destruction of property, often on suspicion or being suspected, and flogging, drove them to desperation”.

The following curious paper has, with others, been placed at our disposal by Mr. Cockburn:

*Correspondence of Marquis Cornwallis, vol. ii. p. 368.

THE STEP-LADDER, OR A PICTURE OF THE IRISH GOVERNMENT AS IT WAS BEFORE LORD CORNWALLIS'S ARRIVAL,

AND DURING THE SYSTEM OF TERROR, ETC.

The Chancellor,
Speaker,

1

2

No. 1.—The Cabinet, viz. C. Cashel (Archbishop) 3

No. 2-Under-strappers

to do.,

Castlereagh,

{ Enniskillen,

No. 3.-Strong supporters | Lees,
of do., of Orangeism, Carleton,
jobbing, and corruption, | Perry,

14

Isaac Corry,

14

A few remarks in illustration of the persons enumerated in the "Step-Ladder" of General Cockburn serves to disclose a condensed history of the time.

1. Lord Chancellor Clare was the son of John Fitzgibbon, who had received his education for the Roman Catholic priesthood, but, preferring civil to canon law, con formed, with a view to becoming a member of the bar. The subsequent Lord Clare was appointed attorneygeneral in 1784, and five years later attained the topmost rung of "the step-ladder", from whence he looked down with supercilious arrogance on those by whose aid he had risen. He rapidly covered all Ireland with his

Reynolds,

37

38

} Godfry,

39

partisans. Both houses of parliament became his automatons. Of coercion he was an uncompromising advocate. In 1784, as alleged by Plowden, he introduced a bill for demolishing Roman Catholic chapels. In parliament he defended the use of torture. In private, as his letters to Lord Castlereagh show, he upset the bill of Catholic relief, which, according to Mr. Pitt's promise, was to have accompanied the Act of Union. But it should be remembered by the assailants of Lord Clare's reputation, that, unlike many of the influential men enumerated in General Cockburn's "step-ladder", he, at least, was politically consistent, and did not commence his career in the ranks of the tribunes. In action he was impulsive, fearless. and despotic. Rushing to a political meeting convened by the High Sheriff of Dublin, and attended by one friend only, this, the most unpopular man in all Ireland, interrupted a democratic orator in his address, commanded the mob to disperse, almost pushed the high sheriff from the chair, and threatened an ex-officio information. The sheriff, panic-stricken, dissolved the meeting. If hissed in the street, Lord Clare pulled out pistols.* He powerfully contributed to carry the Union. His ambition was indomitable, and he aspired to transfer his boundless influence to the wider field of England. He had placed several viceroys in succession beneath his thumb. Might he not also attain an ascendancy over the personage whom they represented?

"If I live", said Lord Clare, when the measure was brought before the House of Peers, "if I live to see the Union completed, to my latest hour I shall feel an honourable pride in reflecting on the little share I may have had in contributing to effect it".

His first speech in the British parliament met with interruption and rebuffs. He abused the Catholics,

* Diary of Lord Clonmel, printed privately for his family,

p. 449.