and his abettors, would have appeared on this occasion with becoming silence and desolation. He had, as much as any man, admired the ableness of that right hon. gen tleman's elocution, and the electricity of his reasoning, (a laugh, and loud coughing.) He was not, however, in despair respecting the emanation of some sparks from his genius (a laugh). He was in hopes that the House would produce as eminent talents, when he contemplated the large spreading shrubbery of genius which was shooting up so many heads. (Loud and general laughing and coughing, and the hon. member ceased.) Sir Robert Buxton. I did expect, after the candid manner in which my honourable friend had introduced his motion, for a public mark of the high sense this House and this nation entertained of the character of that great man whose loss we now deplore, that all party considerations would have been buried in oblivion, and that we should only have looked to have paid a just tribute to the memory of the greatest man that this, or any other country, ever produced, to whose efforts and unwearied exertions this na tion now owes her present existence. I feel a greater indifference to the numbers with which this motion shall be carried, as the memory of his great name will not depend upon the records of this House; for long after they shall be annihilated, when the constitution itself shall no longer exist, nay, when the venerable pile which shall contain his sacred ashes shall be crumbled into dust, the immortal name of Pitt will be found in the history of the world, when his great character will receive that justice which is due to his transcendent virtues and abilities. The Marquis of Douglas felt it painful to be obliged, by a sense of duty, to oppose this motion for a mark of respect to the memory of the right hon. gentleman who was the object of the motion. If the gentleman who had brought for ward this motion had left his ashes in peace, they would have left the House in the situation in which it ought to remain. He was ready to assent to every thing that had been said of the great and eminent talents of the right hon. gen tleman, and to admit that the House ought to be grateful for his services on many occasions. The success, however, of measures alone could entitle them to such distinction as was now claimed. It was not sufficient that a man should have talents and eminent public virtues, his measures should be successful, for it was the result that would decide. With YOL. I.-1805-6. G regard regard to the form of the motion, he objected also to that. The comparison that was instituted between the right hon. gentleman and his illustrious father did not appear to him just, because the difference between the two persons was very great. He too could draw comparisons, but he should forbear from dwelling on such topics. He should ask, however, what was the situation of the country, with a view to its internal strength and external relations, after the seven years' war, and whether the present state of the country could he compared with it? There was another circumstance to which also he might advert. The public had not yet rested from paying the last tribute of respect to the memory of the immortal Nelson. Would, he asked, the same crowds have followed the bier of that illustrious hero if he had lost a British fleet? If not, it was evident that success should crown the effort in order to entitle the individual to any mark of national gratitude. He had done his duty in opposing the measures of the right hon. gentleman, but he should not now disturb his ashes, over which he would walk with veneration. He could, if he were disposed, take a review of the situation of our finances; he could even advert to a transaction of the last session, wherein a noble lord, now suffering under the censure of the House, had been protected by the right hon. gentleman. In obedience to his sense of duty, he felt himself bound to oppose the motion. General Tarleton expressed his surprise that any opposition should have been made to the motion; and declared that, in his opinion, the last five months of Mr. Pitt's administration formed the most brilliant period of his whole ,political career. Lord Temple rose to express in a few words the grounds upon which he assented to the motion. It might be supposed, he observed, from the close connection by blood which he had with the eminent person who was the object of the motion, that he would have sat in silence till the House had decided on the question. But as he had lately differed on several public measures with that respected person, he thought himself bound to state in these few words the reasons that induced him to vote for the present motion. In doing so, he was influenced by his knowledge of the transcendent talents, and the purity and disinterestedness of the manner in which he had, for many years, dis charged the duties of the office which his Majesty had com mitted mitted to his charge. Impressed with these sentiments, he could support the present motion; and in doing so, begged leave to state, that he represented the feelings of every member of his family. Mr. Windham.-Painful as he should feel it to make any objection to the motion then under consideration, he could not, consistently with his duty, omit to state the grounds upon which he felt that he could not assent to it. It would, indeed, be desirable that unanimity should pre vail on such a subject, if that unanimity did not involve a violation of principle and duty. Nothing could be more satisfactory than a compliance with the injunction which some of the gentlemen who had spoken had recommended, namely, that all party feelings, all past differences and ani mosities should be forgotten. Nothing could be easier to him than to bury all animosity, because he felt no animosity. No man could feel more sensibly than himself every sentiment of admiration for the rare qualities of the right hon. gentleman, now unfortunately no more, than he did. He felt this admiration of his resplendent talents in every instance, and came to the present discussion with that awful impression which could not but be produced by the sudden death of a great and eminent man. But if even this were a question of feeling, it might even there be necessary to observe how far it might be proper to share the distresses of others, or to indulge theirs at the expence of others. It was right for them to examine how far they could indulge their generosity at the expence of their public duties. The duty they were then to perform was one of the most important they could have to exercise, namely, the adjudication of the greatest rewards that could be be stowed upon an individual. He begged to examine, for he wished gentlemen to understand what was the nature of the proceedings in which they were engaged, upon what it was they were to assent to the present motion. Was it meant to be said, that all exalted transcendent talents were to be so rewarded? or, was it meant to be laid down that such talents only, when long directed to the public service, were proper objects of these distinctions? or were such talents so directed officially, only to be rewarded? or was the prospect of the distinction to be extended to talents generally, and perseveringly directed to the public service, without the claims of official situation? If high talents generally that have been long directed to the public service be fit objects for such rewards, then there had been many persons, both in this and the other House, that had most eminently merited them by long, effectual, and unwearied application of resplendent talents to the service of their country. If it was meant to say that great talents officially exerted only were fit objects of such rewards, the position was false, and to assent to it would be adverse to their feelings and their duty. The event that had given rise to the present motion he sincerely lamented, and he was equally inclined to regret the impossibility he felt of acceding to it, because, by the line he should pursue, he should be obliged to contradict the wishes of those with whom he was anxious on all occasions to concur. In the opposition he felt to the present motion, he was inclined to annex a condition to the possession of great talents, that they should be exerted for the essential benefit of the country. It might not be amiss to take a nearer view of the subject, and this would explain the nature of his feelings. Rewards like those now pro-posed were always conferred for great naval and military services, and almost exclusively. Why? did not the statesman who directed their operations, and laid the plans upon which they act, as well as provided the means that enabled them to triumph, require as great abilities for the performance of his office, as they in the execution of their enterprises? Why should not he then be entitled to the same honours? Because their exploits came home to the feelings of every man. He that routs the armies of the enemy, and he that destroys their fleets, makes his way directly to the heart of every man. A very memorable instance had lately been seen, in the tribute of national gratitude that had been paid to the memory of the immortal Nelson. Every person in the community, from the highest to the lowest, from the richest to the poorest, from the most exalted to the most humble, vied with each other in willing homage to such transcendent merits. There was no heart that did not vibrate with the most lively emotions. No man could mistake. But it was not to serve the interest of parties. No man could contradict the merits that were rewarded, and therefore it is, that, according to the practice of all coun tries, such services are most particularly distinguished. And this led to another consideration, namely, that una nimity is necessary. And how was that to be hoped for, after a long political life? Except the single instance that that had been stated as a precedent, not an instance of this kind was to be met with in the history of this country; and yet many men had distinguished themselves by long, faithful, able, and meritorious services. Look at another case-the exercise of great and transcendent talents, long directed to the service of the country, are more deserving out of office than in office. The possession of a high and important office is a powerful incitement to zeal, activity, and exertion. The presumption, if any, must there. fore be favourable to talents out of office, without such incitement. He would ask then, whether any individual had ever possessed more unlimited and transcendent talents, or had more perseveringly or successfully directed these talents to the service of his country than an individual, who must be in the recollection of them all, and to whom no such honours had been granted-he meant the late Mr. Burke. What man had ever more sublime talents, or unbounded knowledge and capacity? Whose character for wisdom, disinterestedness, and political virtue, ever stood higher? There were various parts of his political conduct upon which, as in the present instance, some differences might have prevailed; and he begged to know why those who think it necessary now to grant these honours did not consent to grant them then? Did they mean to say that there was any difference in the circumstance of being in or out of office? If the individuals were compared, they would be found to have the same abilities, the same long devotion to the service of their country. He begged of the gentlemen who supported this motion to analyse their opinions, and then to judge of the motives of those who opposed them. They objected in the former instance that the grant was not desirable, because it could not be carried with unanimity; and what, he asked, was such à grant without unanimity? The objec tion was, that they could not comply without a fear of implicating themselves in all the political opinions of the party honoured, if they should consent to vote the object of the present motion an excellent statesman. He had agreed with that right hon. gentleman when the French revolution had broken up the European system, and had separated from his earliest connections. Whether he had been right or wrong in so doing was not now of any consequence, though he could not omit stating, under a due consideration, that he still thought he acted right under the |