law require it to be organized, armed, and trained to martial exercises under the nobility and gentry of the land. Ancient statutes preserved its rights, and held it to its duties. Modern policy has violated those rights, aud taught it to neglect those duties.

In 1806 its dormant numerical strength in Great Britain alone, was two million, seven hundred forty four thousand, eight hundred and forty seven men capable of arms. Here then, taking only the freeholders and householders, the owners of all property, taxed in support of the poor, the church, and the state, together with a few other confidential persons, we may enrol for the kingdom's tranquillity and defence, a civil POWER of one million, five hundred thousand men; having yet a reserve, for all subordinate services in time of invasion, of above one million two hundred thousand more.-Should we learn any thing of all this from a Grenville ministry?

With such a POWER, civil, and, at the same time, martial, in full vigour, the unnatural phenomenon, the monstrous anomaly, the stab to liberty, of A STANDING ARMY TO KEEP THE PEACE, or FOREIGN SOLDIERS TO EXECUTE THE LAW ON ENGLISHMEN, could never alarm, could never raise the voice of indignation. In such circumstances, neither magistrate nor minister could anticipate tumults. Tumults could not happen in a state where there should at all times, and in all places, be ever present a resistless armed civil POWER in readiness at a moment's warning; and a POWER whose prosperous and efficient condition must prove, that the rulers reverenced the constitution and the law, and that the people were in full possession of their liberties, with every cause for contentment. Are we to look for a restoration to "full vigour and energy," of this branch of our constitution, this VITAL ORGAN, from a Grenville ministry? They cannot, when last in office, plead ignorance, because of the oblivion into which the COUNTY POWER had fallen, as an apology for leaving it still neglected. England's Egis was put into all their hands: to two of them its two volumes were addressed, in dedications full of exhortation. But, in their mighty wisdom, they despised the constitution, when brought in competition with their profound policy.

Such, however, are the VITAL ORGANS of our once free state! But, where are they? Such are the means by which alone our liberties can have existence! But-and I address myself to our most experienced practising politicians-where is the honest practical operation of these means, the proper effects of such causes? Where, I again demand, are the two VITAL ORGANS of the constitution?

We indeed see an assembly, on the journals of which it is recorded, that its seats are rented and sold like standings for cattle in a fair; we have recently heard it admitted in debate within the walls of that assembly, that a traffic in those seats has been as no

torious as the sun at noon day; and we have witnessed that an inquiry into an accusation of that traffic having been carried on by three of the king's ministers, was resisted by a vote, and quashed by a majority. At the same time, the facts for proving that such assembly doth not represent the people of England, according to constitutional intendment, are as endless in number as resistless in evidence." It is my firm opinion," said Sir George Saville, in debate (7th May, 1782)," the house might as well call itself "the representative of France, as of the people of England."

Could it be predicated of an assembly, of which no individual member ought to find admission but through the free election of a due proportion of the people, while yet a vast majority were not so elected, could it, I ask, be predicated of such an assembly, that, in a constitutional sense, it was any representative at all? Must not power so originating be esteemed a dreadful something of no English growth? What is the nation's conviction? what, in consequence of that conviction, are its feelings? Do not an English people look to a House of Commons, for protection against all violence from the crown? But when it sees that house carrying into execution its own warrant against a subject—a warrant of questioned legality-by the STANDING ARMY of the crown, must it not be struck with amazement and consternation! A state of things so unnatural and so perilous, hath at length sunk deep into the national mind. The people, kept awake and in apprehension by the ceaseless dunnings of the tax-gatherers, have been taught to ruminate, and to meditate on the means of redress.— What is the sympathy in their feelings, how are they seconded in this pursuit, what are the means of redress proposed by the Grenville party? We shall presently see. So much then, a second time, for one VITAL ORGAN: let us now, a second time, turn to the other.

On the liberation of Sir Francis Burdett from his late imprisonment, when the concourse in the street was expected to be great, and was indeed multitudinous beyond example, the object for which the writer most anxiously looked was-not a procession, —not even the honoured friend expected to grace it, but-the COUNTY POWER-the organized citizens for securing public tranquillity: and what, alas! when he tendered to the sheriff his feeble services, was the whole visible array? Why, verily, too sheriffs, two under-sheriffs, and a dozen attendants!!!-How many constables were invisibly scattered in the crowd he knows not, and he asked not. His search was for the visible array of that cOUNTY POWER which ought to have been there, which was of old the ❝inestimable dread and terror" of the enemies of tranquillity. All of them that he could see were, as I have said, two sheriffs, two under-sheriffs, and a dozen attendants!!!

Where, in God's name, were the rest of that POWER, consisting of all those who have any thing to lose by tumult, and are therefore most interested in tranquillity? Where, I ask, were

**

these persons--the armed householders-the holders of all property-who, by the excellence of our despised constitution, and the wisdom of our disregarded law, are not only legally responsible for the public peace, but, moreover, for the security also of private property, from tumultuary violence?

By the late recompense given by a jury to Mr. Justice Mainwaring for his broken windows, these responsible parties ought to know that, had any damage ensued, on that memorable day, from such violence, they, the taxed householders, on being prosecuted, must, for a non-performance of duty, have paid that damage. Where, therefore, I again ask, when the superintending care of sheriffs was so peculiarly incumbent, was this civil POWER, which our law and constitution intend, and presume to be every where present, and at all times "in full vigour and energy," organized, officered, armed, and trained, in readiness for its DUTY? Where, I do not cease to ask, were the numerous battalions of this civil POWER, with which, so prepared, riot would be a prodigy, and tumultuary mischief a miracle; and, without which, this nation must inevitably sink into subjection to that consummation of all political degradation and misery, a MILITARY DESPOTISM!—And I must again ask, which we have most reason to expect from a Grenville ministry, a restoration of the constitution in its two VITAL ORGANS, or some treacherous substitutes?

Would my lord Grey know the "STATE OF THE NATION?" Here it is. For one half of the constitutional security of our liberties, A COMMONS HOUSE, he will still find the same house he once so well knew and so well described: for the other half, A COUNTY POWER, he will discover 'one hundred and eightySeven BARRACKS, and an immense STANDING ARMY, of which, here and abroad, about sixty thousand are Germans, Sicilians, Portuguese, French, and other FOREIGNERS!!! While for preserving tranquillity in a multitude as numerous as the collective armies of the French empire, the two sheriffs of Middlesex, with white wands in their hands, ride at the head of a dozen peace officers!!!

Here, in a nutshell, is in effect all that political wisdom and virtue requires to know, touching the "STATE OF THE NATION." It is this absence of the constitution, civil and military, which ought first to engross the mind of the patriot, the enlightened, the practical statesmen. In this absence of the constitution lies all our danger. In this absence of the constitution will be found every cause of national declension, and consequently every cause of that imminent danger of the state's extinction now so universally seen, so universally felt, by persons of the least reflection. An enlightened a practical statesman knows, that if he removes causes, effects will cease. He will not therefore attempt delusion, by holding up to the people a mere petty effect for a

cause; he will not, in order to blacken and to stultify ministers, harangue by the hour on Russia, Germany, and France; on Spain and Portugal; on Denmark, on Sicily, on America; ringing a long round of divisions on unattainable peace, on finance, on commerce, and bank restrictions; nor heavily prose over tedious items of pounds, shillings, and pence; while all he says on essentials is in a faint, whispering hint or two; for fear of committing himself to anything good: no, in a luminous strain, concise and energetic, he will rivet the nation's attention on the fundamental violations of the constitution, on the true CAUSES of all its calamities; arouse it from its torpor, animate to exertion, inspire unanimity, and lead on to the recovery of liberty!

Horses for consuls,* or asses for ministers, are not causes but effects. Causes duly attended to, the horses would be consigned to the stable, and the asses to the chimney-sweeper. But if Earl Grey and his party could have turned out the horses and the asses, what then? Why, if they had been the removers, they I suppose would once more have slipped into the harness, and have done the drudgery.

Does not every human being, down to the humblest shopkeeper, to the very journeyman shoe-maker, know, that without a restored constitution, even reformers in office must be impotent of all good. How much more impotent then, a Grenville ministry?-unless their good consists in pillage, in family provision, and in the feeding of their hungry dependants! Could they have thrust themselves once more in, they must, as heretofore, have crouched to blind prejudice and mysterious power. They must, as before, have themselves governed by that modification of parliament they so much relish. Whether ministers who govern by corruption are corrupt ministers, let casuists decide! Why was the parliament dissolved in 1806? Was it not that the creatures of the Grenville ministry might occupy all the seats for the government boroughs, and parliament be otherwise adapted to their support? and so it was: But as soon as the No-Popery gentleman prevailed, the cards were again shuffled and again packed. And are any of the leaders of these contending factions, or their servile partizans, to whine over the public apathy in their cause! It is depravity, forsooth, in the people, and a crime in the constitutional reformers, that they place no confidence in men from whom they have nothing to expect but taxes and tyranny! If there be among them men conscious of their own integrity, they need not whine, they need not complain. Let them act. To have, or not to have, the public confidence, is purely optional. They may have it if they please. But they cannot at one and

See Earl Grey's Reply on the 14th June, in the Morning Chronicle of the 15th.

the same time have that confidence, and the gratification of a corrupt ambition. Never for one moment in three and thirty years was I ever troubled with any apprehension, that my sincerity, as a political reformer was suspected. And whoever suspected that of Sir Francis Burdett?:

By my comments on Earl Grey's speech, I mean not to condemn a detail of grievances. I am far from disapproving of an enumeration, if it were possible, of the infinity of evils the nation experiences; but I much disapprove of a wrong purpose in the introduction of such enumerations. Let the national at

tention, by all means, be drawn to the blood sucking of state leeches, as disgusting as it is ruinous: lay before it the gigantic abuses and peculations of office, and the impunity with which they are practised: let the veil be rent aside, which hides from the public eye the innumerable branchings, the millions of ramifications, of a corrupt influence. Let the disgraceful policy of impracticable, yet costly expeditions, and the murderous sacrifice of our brave soldiers to the demons of pestilence, be exposed and execrated: let the turpitude of voting praise where punishment is due, be branded with infamy: make it understood that, when ever a people's substance can be taken by taxation where there is no representation, property is annihilated, and the once-free proprietor is metamorphosed into a degraded vassal to manage the estate-not exclusively to supply his own wants, to portion his children, and to pay necessary taxes; but to be lavished in jobs and sinecures, and to feed the harpies of peculation: let the treatment of Ireland, as unjust and as cruel as it is insane, be the subject of indignant reprobation: let that baneful enmity to human liberty which is losing you invaluable outposts of defence, and beneficial alliances in the Baltic* and the Iberian peninsula, be treated with public scorn and indignation; let the facilities thus administering to your enemy for his descents on your coast, together with the criminal neglect of your proper internal defence, be exhibited as most serious charges against ministers: and, though last, not least, let our orators descant on the uses now made of A STANDING ARMY which costs us six and twenty millions a year;† exceeding the whole land rental of the kingdom as estimated by Mr. Pitt, at or about the commencement of his frantic war; that STANDING ARMY, the offer of whose protection our ancestors would have rejected, had it been offered gratis ;-that STANDING ARMY which a grand jury presented, and even the pensioner parliament of Charles the second voted, a nușance;§ and that STANDING ARMY with which, unbalanced by a COUN

* See Cobbett's Political Register, 2d April, 1808, p. 529.

+ Including Transports, 26,222,0471, 9s. 10d.

Tracts by Trenchard and Gordon, I. 41.

§ Ibid. I. 26.