CHAPTER IX. A GLEAM OF SUNSHINE-EARL FITZWILLIAM AND CONCILIATIONGENEROUS CREDULITY OF THE IRISH PEOPLE-DOUBTS AND FEARS -THE RECALL. THE year 1795 opened brightly for Ireland. The 4th of January saw the arrival at Dublin Castle of a liberal and honest Lord Lieutenant-the friend of Burke and Grattan, the political ally and colleague of the Duke of Portland, the nephew of the Marquis of Rockingham—a man of known integrity and kind-heartedness, and far-going liberal opinions, whose name was itself a pledge of a thorough change of men and measures in all departments of the state. Rumour positively affirmed-what EARL FITZWILLIAM's acceptance of office sufficiently implied-that he came over as the minister-plenipotentiary of peace and justice, emancipation and reform; empowered to give to the Catholics religious equality, to the whole Irish people just and paternal government. In particular, it was known that the leaders of the Liberal party in parliament had been sent for to England the previous autumn, to assist, with their suggestions and advice, in the new arrangement of the Irish ministry-that Grattan had been closeted with Mr. Pitt on the Catholic question (by special desire, not of the patriot, but of the minister)—and that the result of the interview was considered satisfactory. On the whole, it seemed to be an understood thing, that the Catholics were to receive the last instalment of their emancipation immediately on demand; and it was presumed that the rest of the new policy of which the new Viceroy was the representative, would be pervaded by the same spirit of justice to Ireland. Earl Fitzwilliam was received with enthusiastic delight by all classes and parties of the people—the extreme ascendency bigots, and the ultras of the discomfited and dispersed United Irishmen, alone excepted. Addresses of congratulation poured in from all the principal cities and towns of the kingdom; which addresses the Viceroy answered in as explicit language, on the subject of popular government in general, and the Catholic claims in particular, as was consistent with the decorum of viceregal etiquette. All Ireland rejoiced, with a unanimity which it had not known for thirteen years past, at the return to power of the men of 1782. Not one Protestant corporation-scarcely one individual-came forward to interpose objections to the expected emancipation and reform, which were to complete at last the work that the Volunteers had left imperfect. Everything looked bright and full of promise. By this mission of Earl Fitzwilliam, Mr. Pitt had ensured the speedy and entire pacification of Ireland-if he meant to keep faith with Ireland; if not, it was a master-piece of perfidy and incendiarism, a provocative of rebellion, of more stimulant efficacy than the whole penal code together. The opening of parliament (22nd of January) was full of happy augury for the character and work of the session. The viceregal speech did not, it is true, say a great deal, but there was a tone of unwonted earnestness and heartiness even in its generalities; and it had one paragraph in par ticular, on the subject of popular education, which expressed much and seemed to imply more ;-the Protestant Charter-schools were mentioned disparagingly, as only "partial" in the advantages derived from them, and it was hoped that, "as circumstances had made other considerations connected with that important subjcct highly necessary, the wisdom of parliament would order everything relating to it in the manner best adapted to the occasions of the several descriptions of men which composed his Majesty's faithful subjects in Ireland." The address in answer to the speech was moved by Mr. Graitan, and carried without a division; and at the same time he presented a petition from the Dublin Catholics, for immediate and complete emancipation, the first of a vast number which came rapidly pouring in from every part of the kingdom. On the 12th of February, at the express wish of the Lord Lieutenant, Mr. Grattan moved for leave to bring in a Catholic Relief Bill; and leave was given accordingly, with only three dissentient voices. Everything gave promise of a tranquil, pleasant, and highly useful session: emancipation first, and reform next, with repeal of the Convention Bill and reduction of pensions to follow, were looked for with a universal and undoubting faith. The liberality of the administration was responded to, in happy obliviousness of the experience of 1793, by at least an equal liberality on the part of the Opposition. Rather, there was no Opposition. Men and money were voted at a rate which had no previous example in Irish history, despite the cautionary suggestion of one unbeliever (Mr. Duquery) who "thought it right that, before they voted the money of the people, they should know what the people were to get." All men believed that Ireland was saved: and Burke wrote to Grattan, on the 3rd of March, I feel as much joy as my poor broken heart is capable of receiving, from the manner in which the Irish session has opened.' On the 19th of March, a British cabinet council unanimously decided on Earl Fitzwilliam's RECALL, as 66 a measure necessary for the preservation of the empire." It does not belong to the object of this history to unravel the ministerial intrigues by which this disastrous consummation was accomplished, or to assign the precise motive, or combination of motives, which prompted this outrageous breach of faith with the expectant and confiding Irish people. Earl Fitzwilliam himself thought it was the doing of the Beresford family and faction, whose enormous political monopoly (ccupled, as it was, with much "imputed malversation") he found it necessary, at the commencement of his administration, to break down. Others have seen in the business a systematic scheme for goading Ireland into rebellion, with a view to prepare the way for the legislative union ;† not that there is any essential incongruity between the two explanations. The return of the Beresfords to power was the shortest road to rebellion-there was rebellion in the very name. It does not greatly signify, however, whose doing it was; in any case, the perfidy was the same, and the mischief was the same. The duplicity and treachery of Pitt in this matter, as *See his Letters to the Earl of Carlisle (1795). Burke's letter to Grattan, of the 5th of March (quoted in "Life of Grattan," vol. iv., p. 202), opens a glimpse to a whole world of intrigue and cabal. + Barrington's "Historic Memoirs," vol. ii., pp. 241-2. shown the honest and manly letters of Earl Fitzwilliam, have rarely been surpassed in Anglo-Irish, or any other history. The dismissed and duped Viceroy says: "From the very beginning, as well as through the whole progress of that fatal business-for fatal, I fear, I must call it-I acted in perfect conformity with the original outline settled between me and his Majesty's ministers, previous to my departure from London. From a full consideration of the real merits of the case, as well as from every information I had been able to collect of the state and temper of Ireland, from the year 1793, I was decidedly of opinion that not only sound policy but justice required, on the part of Great Britain, that the work which was left imperfect at that period ought to be completed, and the Catholics relieved from every remaining disqualification. In this opinion the Duke of Portland uniformly concurred with me; and when the question came under discussion, previous to my departure for Ireland, I found the cabinet, with Mr. Pitt at their head, strongly impressed with the same conviction. Had I found it otherwise, I never would have undertaken the government. I at first proposed that the additional indulgences shonld be offered from the throne. The very best effects would be secured by this act of unsolicited graciousness. But to this proposal objections were started that appeared of sufficient weight to induce the adoption of another plan. I consented not to bring the question forward on the part of government, but rather to endeavour to keep it back until a period of more general tranquillity, when so many material objects might not press upon the government. But, as the principle was agreed on, and the necessity of its being brought into full effect was universally allowed, it was at the same time resolved that if the Catholics should appear determined to stir the business, and bring it before parliament, I was to give it a handsome support on the part of government. "I was no sooner landed, and informed of the real state of things here, than I found that the question would force itself upon my immediate consideration. Faithful to the system that had been agreed on, and anxious to attain the object that had been committed to my discretion, I lost not a moment in gaining every necessary information, or in transmitting the result to the British cabinet. As early as the 8th of January, I wrote to the Secretary of State on the subject. I told him that I trembled about the Roman Catholics; that I had great fears about keeping them quiet for the session; that I found the question already in agitation; that a committee was appointed to bring forward a petition to parliament, praying for a repeal of all remaining disqualifications." After furthur inquiries, and personal interviews with the Catholic leaders, he again wrote to the Secretary of State (15th January); when he says "I concluded by declaring that I should not do my duty, if I did not distinctly rel it as my opinion, that not to grant cheerfully on the part of government all the Catholics wished for, would not only be exceedingly impolitic, but perhaps dangerous; that in doing this no time was to be lost; that the business would be presently at hand, and that the first step I took would be of infinite importance; that, if I received no very peremptory directions to the contrary, I should acquiesce-I meant in the time, in the mode of proceeding, and in the extent of the demands; for, as to the measure considered generally, could conceive no necessity to wait for any new direction on which to decide. Of this I reminded the Secretary of State. 'Convinced,' I said, 'as we all are, of the necessity, as well as fitness of the measure taking place at no distant period, I was decidedly of opinion that any attempt to defer it would be useless, if not dangerous.' To all which got one syllable of censure, remonstrance, objection, or even cautionary suggestion did the minister send back in reply, during the first five weeks of Earl Fitzwilliam's viceroyalty, Letter after letter was sent to Dublin Castle, without ant of doubt or difficulty on the subject. It was not till after the Irish parliment had, on the farth of the promised emancipation and reform, concurred, with a nearly unexampled unanimity, in gants of men and money larger than had ever been known before; it was not till after the heart of the people had been fully set on these measures; it was not till the 9th of February, that the British cabinet H began answering the Lord Lieutenant's letters-speaking of the Catholic question as a new subject, asking for "information" to enable them to form an opinion as to the "policy, expediency, safety, and necessity" of the measure, and cautioning the Viceroy against "committing himself," while they knew that, with their sanction implied and expressed, he had committed himself and them over and over again already. The astounded Viceroy replied by referring his colleagues to all that had previously passed on the subject, expressing, for about the twentieth time, his conviction of the infinite peril of even seeming to hesitate, and refusing "to be the person to raise a flame in the country, which nothing short of arms would be able to keep down." He was taken at his word; a " flame in the country" being, it would appear, precisely the thing which the British minister desired. On the 25th of March, the last minister of peace and justice to Ireland was attended to the shore by the parliamentary leaders and other distinguished individuals, dressed in black, followed by a vast concourse of persons of all classes, sects, and parties; and Ireland was left in the hands of the Beresfords, the Tolers, and the Fitzgibbons, to be got ready, as soon as might be, for martial law and military execution. Thus were the Irish people again made victims to what Flood called their " generous credulity." When Grattan was on his way to an interview with Pitt, in the month of October previous, Mr. Serjeant Adair had kindly warned him-"All that is to be done should be set down in writing, for if you have any dealings with Pitt, he'll cheat you. I never would act with him, unless I had pen, ink, and paper.' The caution, unfortunately, was not heeded, Mr. Grattan's generous and confiding nature not comprehending the sharp practice of official diplomacy. He committed the enormous blunder of imagining that, in official honour and morality, a tacit mutual understanding is as good as a signed and witnessed memorandum of agreement. It was said by an Irish Opposition member (Sir Laurence Parsons), while Earl Fitzwilliam's recall was still only a matter of unauthorised rumour-“ If the British Cabinet have agreed to the Catholic measure, and then withdraw their support from it, and with it Lord Fitzwilliam, the demon of darkness could not have done more mischief. If the minister perseveres, the army must be increased to myriads, and every man must have dragoons in his house." The prophecy was not designed, probably, to be taken quite literally; but it received, at no distant date, a proximate fulfilment, in the Free Quarters of 1798. CHAPTER X. IRELAND IN 1795 AND 1796-GATHERING OF THE STORM-NEW ORGANI- On the 31st of March, 1795, the new Lord Lieutenant, Earl Camden, All this, though “extremely disagreeable," as Mr. Hardy says, was by no means surprising. Lord Camden was, personally, not unpopular, and had some hereditary claims on the favourable regards of Irishmen,*—but, whatever virtues he may have possessed, Ireland could know him only aş the representative of a perfidious and anti-national policy. He came to undo, and worse than undo, the work of conciliation which Earl Fitzwilliam had begun to restore the momentarily disturbed status in quo of ascendency and incipient rebellion, aggravated by recent disappointment and insult. His very presence in Ireland was an offence; his mission was a breach of faith, a casus belli-his arrival was a declaration of war. Earl Fitzwilliam's recall "lost to England the heart of Ireland." It turned over the country to the ascendency men and the United Irishmen. The Beresfords and Fitzgibbons now came back to power, with the appetite of tyranny whetted by a two months' fast, more than ever disposed to strong and cruel measures; and the patriots despaired of agitation, thought no more of emancipation and reform, but put their trust in conspiracy, and set their hearts on revolution. "From this time," says Plowden," the very tint of moderation seems to have been effaced from every transaction that affected the public weal." Henceforward there were in Ireland only two parties the tyrant party, and the traitor party; the government and the people had entered, once for all, into a state of war. Well might Grattan say (in his reply to the address of the Dublin Catholics), "I tremble at the return to power of your old taskmasters-that combination which galled the country with its tyranny, insulted her by its manners, exhausted her by its rapacity, and slandered her by its malice. Should such a combination, once inflamed, as it must be now, by the favour of the British court and the reprobation of the Irish people-return to power, I have no hesitation to He was the son of the Lord Camden who gave the Belfast Volunteers the sage but unheeded counsel to "keep it up.” + Grattan. |