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CHAPTER XI.

THEOBALD WOLFE TONE IN FRANCE-THE BANTRY BAY EXPEDITION,

AMONG the individuals implicated in the business of Jackson and Cockayne in the year 1794 was THEOBALD WOLFE TONE, who had been guilty of the terrible indiscretion of drawing up a paper on the political state of Ireland, and the probabilities of success attending a French invasion, copies of which found their way into Jackson's hands. On the arrest of the latter, Tone was in a position of serious danger. His habitual caution had preserved him from committing himself with the English spy; but he was an object of violent suspicion to the government. Jackson might be tempted to save his own life by informing against the dreaded and obnoxious secretary to the Catholics, and a little straining of law and evidence would do the rest. Under these circumstances, Tone acted with good sense and courage. He communicated the whole facts of his situation to some of his aristocratic friends who were high in the confidence of the government,* declaring that" on two points he had made up his mind ;"-the first was that he would not fly; the other, that he would never open his lips as a witness either against Rowan or Jackson; that he had no claims on the government, who could ruin him if they pleased, but that, if it so happened that his ruin was not an object with them, he was ready to expatriate himself and go to America. The efforts of his friends were successful, and an agreement was negotiated on his behalf, by which, without compromising any of his coadjutors in past transactions, or fettering his own course for the future by pledges at variance with his principles, he was assured that, on his simply undertaking to leave Ireland as soon as he could settle his affairs, no proceedings should be taken against him. The agreement was kept on both sides. Tone remained unmolested during the whole period of Jackson's imprisonment and trial, and in the month of June, 1795, sailed for America with his family to return in the capacity of Adjutant-General in the armies of France.

It is surprising that the Irish government did not on this occasion so far temper their mercy with discretion, as to exact of the retreating conspirator, before his departure, some pledge or promise respecting his future conduct which might have set up the obligation of an honourable engagement as a counterpoise to his eager and treasonable patriotism. Their first plan had been to send him to the East Indies, out of the reach of Irish and European politics; but from some unexplained cause this idea was relinquished, and, with a blind and perilous security, they quietly allowed one of their most determined and active enemies to go at large through the world with all his purposes and resources unimpaired. Of the views with which he left Ireland, Tone gives the following account:—

"A short time before my departure, my friend Russell being in town, he and I walked out together to Rathfarnham, to see Emmet, who has a charming villa there. He showed us a little study, of an elliptical form, which he was building at the bottom of the lawn, and which he said he would consecrate to our meetings if ever we lived to see our

* Marcus Beresford and George Knox.

country emancipated. I begged of him, if he intended Russell should be of the party, in addition to the books and maps it would naturally contain, to fit up a small cellaret which should enclose a few dozens of his best old claret. He showed me that he had not omitted that circumstance, which he acknowledged to be essential, and we both rallied Russell with considerable success. I mention this trifling anecdote because I love the men, and because it seems now at least possible that we may yet meet again in Emmet's study.* As we walked together into town I opened my plan to them both. I told them that I considered my compromise with government to extend no farther than the banks of the Delaware, and that the moment I landed I was free to follow any plan which might suggest itself to me for the emancipation of my country; that undoubtedly I had been guilty of a great offence against the existing government, that, in consequence, I was going into exile, which I considered as a full expiation for the offence, and therefore felt myself at liberty, having made that sacrifice, to begin again on a fresh score. They both agreed with me in those principles, and I then proceeded to tell them that my intention was, immediately on my arrival in Philadelphia, to wait on the French minister, to detail to him fully the situation of affairs in Ireland, to endeavour to obtain a recommendation to the French government; and, if I succeeded so far, to leave my family in America, set off instantly for Paris, and apply, in the name of my country, for the assistance of France, to enable us to assert our independence. It is unnecessary, I believe, to say that this plan met with the warmest approbation and support from both Russell and Emmet. We shook hands, and having repeated our professions of unalterable regard and esteem for each other, we parted; and this was the last interview which I was so happy as to have with those two invaluable friends together. I remember it was in a little triangular field that this conversation took place; and Emmet remarked to us, that it was in one exactly like it in Switzerland where William Tell and his associates planned the downfall of the tyranny of Austria."

How near the "little triangular field" was to becoming famous in British and European history, and by what strange combination of contingencies it was that the hopes and plans of these patriots were defeated when seemingly on the very eve of their fulfilment, we are now to see.

On the first of August, Tone landed at Wilmington, on the Delaware; and a few days afterwards we find him at Philadelphia, within convenient visiting distance of the French ambassador. He was not altogether in a land of strangers: his government had already commenced the ruinous policy of colonising the United States with Irish fugitives-victims of British oppression and enemies to British rule. He met at Philadelphia an old friend and and fellow-patriot, Dr. Reynolds, who had fled from Ireland some months earlier than himself in consequence of being similarly implicated in the affair of Jackson and Cockayne; and six weeks previously, Archibald Hamilton Rowan had arrived there from France. It may be supposed that the three brother refugees had much to tell one another since their last meeting, which had been within the walls of Dublin Newgate, fourteen months before. Rowan and Reynolds cordially approved of Tone's plans; and the next day, with the credentials of Rowan's introduction and two Catholic votes of thanks engrossed on vellum, he waited on the ambassador of the French republic, Citizen Adet. The minister gave the Irish exile a polite reception, but afforded him no definite encouragement. Tone was desired to put his views and opinions about Ireland on paper, in the form of a memorial to the French government; but Adet dissuaded him from embarking for France as he proposed, and would only promise that the memorial should be faithfully transmitted and recommended to ministerial attention. And there the business for the present ended. Tone had done his best, and it did not appear likely that any thing would come of it. Disappointed and disheartened, he resigned This was written at Paris, in 1796.

† Memoirs of Theobald Wolfe Tone, vol. i., pp. 180-182.

himself with such resignation as he was master of to the force of circumstances, made up his mind to settle in America, agreed for the purchase of a plantation in New Jersey, took a house at Princeton, and "began to think his lot was cast to be an American farmer."

"In this frame of mind," he says, "I continued for some time, waiting for the lawyer who was employed to draw the deeds, and expecting next spring to remove to my purchase and to begin farming at last, when one day I was roused from my lethargy by the receipt of letters from Keogh, Russell, and the two Simmses, wherein, after professions of the warmest and sincerest regard, they proceeded to acquaint me that the state of the public mind in Ireland was advancing to republicanism faster than even I could believe; and they pressed me in the strongest manner to fulfil the engagement I had made with them at my departure, and to move heaven and earth to force my way to the French government in order to supplicate assistance. immediately handed the letters to my wife and sister, and desired their opinion, which I foresaw would be that I should immediately, if possible, set out for France. My wife especially, whose courage and zeal for my honour and interest were not in the least abated by all her past sufferings, supplicated me to let no consideration of her or our children stand for a moment in the way of my engagements to our friends and my duty to my country, adding, that she would answer for our family during my absence, and that the same Providence which had so often, as it were miraculously, preserved us, would, she was confident, not desert us now. My sister joined her in those entreaties, and it may well be supposed I required no great supplication to induce me to make one more attempt in a cause to which I had been so long devoted."*

Tone

Accordingly our zealous and true-hearted exile set off the next morning (end of November, 1795) for Philadelphia, and went immediately with his letters to Citizen Adet. Adet, it would seem, had received letters likewise. His previous hesitancy and lukewarmness disappeared, he entered heartily into Tone's projects, and gave him credentials to Paris. settled his affairs in America with the least possible delay; dispatched his brother to Ireland, to carry the news of his intentions to a few of the select patriots, and to inform all the world beside that he was quietly settled down as a New Jersey farmer; spent one day with Reynolds, Rowan, and Napper Tandy; and, on the first of January, 1796, armed with a letter in cypher from Citizen Adet to the Comité de Salut Public, set sail from Sandy Hook, bound for Havre de Grace.

Of Tone's proceedings in France, we utterly despair of giving to the reader, by extract or abstract, any idea at all equivalent to that presented by his own animated narrative—one of the most delightful historic memoirs which we possess of that time.† The difficulties which he had to encounter-a solitary exile, without connections, without patrons, without a friend or acquaintance in all France, and scarcely knowing a word of the language in the execution of a project, which was nothing less than the bringing French statesmen and generals to work out his particular theory

"Memoirs of Theobald Wolfe Tone," vol. i., p. 195.

And likewise, incidentally, an admirable picture-among the best we have-of the actual every-day goings-on of things in revolutionised France. Tone arrived in France during the first year of the directorial constitution; when the storm of the reign of terror had spent its fury, and, though the waves were still rolling and rocking, the new order of things was acquiring something like a stable and solid consistence. The temper of the popular mind under the new regime, as seen in the theatres, the churches and the streets-the characters of public men, and the modes of doing public business-the effects of the revolutionary crash on the moral and economical condition of the people, are depicted, or suggested, in these memoirs with a vividness that renders them most pleasant reading. The Irish refugee paints things, for the most part, en beau-but he paints from the life: his lightest gossip is good material for the historic student.

for the dismemberment of the British empire; the uncertainties, disappointments, and heart-sickening delays that he underwent-kept for months together running about from the American Ambassador to the Foreign Secretary, and from the Secretary to Carnot, and from Carnot to General Clarke and Under-Secretary Madgett; the world of ignorance and prejudice that he had to work his way through, before he could bring the plainest facts of Irish politics to bear on the understandings and volitions of French statesmen; and the issue of the whole in a success better than the best of his hopes, and a failure worse than his gloomiest fears: these together, make one of the most interesting episodes in the history of the time of which we write. As it is, however, only an episode-detached, for the most part, from the course of events in Ireland-we must pass over it slightly and briefly.

On presenting himself with his credentials to the Foreign Minister, De la Croix, as in his more familiar conversations with the Minister's UnderSecretary, Madgett, Tone received abundant encouragement in general terms. He was told that the French government considered the object of his mission as of the greatest importance, that their attention was most seriously turned towards Ireland, and that there was every reason to expect that an effort would be made in that quarter-their feeling being that, "unless they could separate Ireland from England, the latter was invulnerable," and he proceeded diligently, with a good heart of hope, in the preparation of memorials on the state of Ireland for the perusal of the Directory. But when it came to a question of details, he was mortified to find a wide and most material difference between the views of the French government and his own, as to the kind and degree of exertion requisite. The following shows the extent of his plan, and the difficulties he had to

overcome :

"February 22.-Finished my memorial, and delivered a fair copy, signed, to Madgett, for the Minister of Foreign Relations. Madgett in the horrors. He tells me he has had a discourse yesterday for two hours with the Minister, and that the succours he expects will fall very short of what he thought. That the marine of France is in such a state that government will not hazard a large fleet, and consequently that we must be content to steal a march; that they will give 2000 of their best troops, and arms for 20,000; that they cannot spare Pichegru nor Jourdan; that they will give any quantity of artillery, and, I think he added, what money might be necessary. To all this I answered, that as to 2000 men, they might as well send 20. That with regard to myself, I would go if they would send but a corporal's guard; but that my opinion was, that 5000 was as little as could be landed with any prospect of success, and that that number would leave the matter doubtful; that if there could be an imposing force sent in the first instance, it would overbear all opposition, the nation would be unanimous, and an immense effusion of blood and treasure spared-the law of opinion would at once operate in favour of the government which, in that case, would be instantly formed; and I pressed particularly the advantages resulting from this last circumstance. He seemed perfectly satisfied with my arguments, but equally satisfied that it would not, or rather could not, be done. I then bade him remember that my plan was built on the supposition of a powerful support in the first instance; that I had particularly specified so in my memorial, and begged him to apprise the minister that my decided opinion was so; that nevertheless, with 5000 men, the business might be attempted, and I did believe would succeed, but that in that case we must fight hard for it; that, though I was satisfied how the militia and army would act in case of a powerful invasion, I could not venture to say what might be their conduct under the

* E. g., he had the utmost difficulty in getting the Minister of War, General Clarke, to understand that there was no great probability of Lord Chancellor Fitzgibbon aiding an insurrection against the Irish government.

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circumstances he mentioned; that if they stood by the government, which it was possible they might, we should have hot work of it; that if 5000 men were sent, they should be the very flower of the French troops, and a considerable proportion of them artillerymen, with the best general they could spare. He interrupted me to ask who was known in Ireland after Pichegru and Jourdan. I answered Hoche, especially since his affair of Quiberon. He said he was sure we might have Hoche. I also mentioned, that if they sent but 5000 men, they should send a greater quantity of arms, as in that case we could not com. mand at once all the arms of the nation, as we should if they were able to send 20,000, or even 15,000. He promised to represent all this, and that he hoped we should get 5000 men at least, and a greater quantity of arms. We then parted. Now, what is to be my plan? Suppose we get 5000 men, and 30,000 or even 20,000 stand of arms, and a train of artillery, I conceive, in the first place, the embarkation must be from Holland; but, in all events, the landing must be in the north, as near Belfast as possible. Had we 20,000, or even 15,000, in the first instance, we should begin with the capital, the seizing of which would secure everything; but, as it is, if we cannot go large, we must go close-hauled, as the saying is. With 5000 we must proceed entirely on a revolutionary plan I fear (that is to say, reckon only on the Sansculottes), and, if necessary, put every man, horse, guinea, and potatoe in Ireland in requisition. I should also conceive that it would be our policy at first to avoid an action, supposing the Irish army stuck to the government. Every day would strengthen and discipline us, and give us opportunities to work upon them. With 5000 men, and very strong measures, we should ultimately succeed. The only difference between that number and 20,000 is, that with the latter there would be no fighting, and with this we may have some hard knocks. Oh, good God! good God! what would I give to-night that we were safely landed, and encamped on the Cave Hill. If we can find our way so far, I think we shall puzzle John Bull to work us out. Surely we can do as much as the Chouans or people of La Vendée." *

Discouraged and anxious, Tone went back to his first friend the American Ambassador, and opened his heart to him without reserve. Monroe gave him good advice-viz., to drop the "subaltern way of doing business," and deal only with principals-to have done with De la Croix and Madgett, and go at once straight to the Directoire Executif. It was a bold step to take, but a wise one, with a man like Carnot in the Directory. On the next day (February 24th) we find Tone going, "at twelve o'clock, in a fright to the Luxembourg, conning speeches in execrable French all the way:"

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"What shall I say to Carnot? Well, whatsoever the Lord putteth in my mouth, that surely shall I utter.' Plucked up a spirit as I drew near the Palace, and mounted the stairs like a lion; went into the first bureau that I found open, and demanded at once to see Carnot. The clerks stared a little, but I repeated my demand with a courage truly heroic, on which they instantly submitted, and sent a person to conduct me. This happened to be his day for giving audience, which each member of the Executive Directory does in his turn. Introduced by my guide into the ante-chamber, which was filled with people, the officers of state all in their new costume. Wrote a line in English, and delivered it to one of the Huissiers, stating that a stranger just arrived from America wished to speak to Citizen Carnot on an affair of consequence. He brought me an answer in two minutes, that I should have an audience. The folding-doors were now thrown open, a bell being previously rung to give notice to the people that all who had business might present themselves, and Citizen Carnot appeared, in the petit-costume of white satin with crimson robe, richly embroidered. It is very elegant, and resembles almost exactly the draperies of Vandyke He went round the room receiving papers, and answering those who addressed him. I told my friend the Huissier, in marvellous French, that my business was too important to be transacted there, and that I would return on another day, when it would not be Carnot's turn to give audience, and when I should hope to find him at leisure. He mentioned this to Carnot, who ordered me instantly to be shown into an inner appartment, and said he would see me as soon as the audience was over. That I thought looked well, and I began accordingly to con my speech again. In the apartment were five or six personages, who

* Ibid., pp. 229-232.