by the Readiness of the one, or to be touched in its Sensitiveness by the Backwardness of the other?

The Unanimity of the House to put down public Charges, was, however, disturbed. May those who have felt their Power on this Occasion, and made it to be felt, proceed to accomplish the Promise they have given, and may not the awakening Hopes of the Country be again disappointed.

THE RECALL OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH. THE breath of life seems coming back into the body politic. Some men dare to think, and speak above a whisper. A lawless Governor-General has been recalled, and recalled too by the Court of Directors. But a short time ago, and there was a master-spirit that steered the vessel in its course towards the breakers, whose eye was omnipresent upon the crew, petrifying each into subordination—whose words bewildered into acquiescence-whose very daring subdued into respect. When a Palmerston was Minister, an Auckland heard and obeyed, a Board of Controul watched his signal, and a Court of Directors kissed the rod, England was a docile reptile, helpless to avenge herself, or give one symptom of irritation or alarm. The crimes imposed were grand-the risks fearful-the catastrophes prodigious. Crime, be it known, is like the nettle-it must not be fingered; he that touches has to grasp.

Thus, for two or three years, in vain was it tried to galvanize the nation, and especially the Court of Directors, into the use of hereditary faculties for arresting ruin. Sighs were evoked, shoulders were shrugged, and trust in Providence hinted-months and years went by, and the frame gave a few spasmodic heaves-hands were clenched, and an air of resolution assumed; then the Administra

tion was changed, and all need for action was greedily assumed to have been removed.

But the lesson has not been thrown away entirely. Had they not groaned under the terrors of Cabool and Candahar, had they not gazed on twenty millions sterling, taken from them without leave,-had they not learned what a wretched reed was that Parliament on which they leaned, had they not endured the shame of conscious cowardice, and smarted under the penalty,—the Directors would not now have asserted their rights, and handed down the traditions of manhood through our times. Scinde and Gwalior are, indeed, nothing compared to China and Affghanistan-but having failed to bind the tiger, is fortunately no reason why they should not trap the weazel.

When each body in the State learns thus to use its separate powers, and devolves no one of its duties on a degraded House of Commons, then we are safe. Then, too, that House will have found it time to amend.

The decision of the Court of Directors has been without one dissentient voice. Twenty-four gentlemen (friends of the Administration), and a co-ordinate power with the Government, have exercised at last the faculty in them specially and deliberately* vested, of arresting that Government's subserviency to an insubordinate servant. We cease,

at least now, to drive joyously along the road to ruin.

One word more: had Sir Robert Peel permitted even inquiry into Lord Palmerston's acts, he would not now have been put to open shame for a smaller matter. He deserves it, the cause of justice gains, and we for the first time rejoice.

* It has been attempted to deny the right of the Court of Directors to recall a Governor-General. Then it has been said that the clause was inadvertently admitted. We assert that it was after debate with the Government, the record is in the India House, that, in the bill of 1833, the clause was admitted, the Government "withdrawing its objections.”

NOTE

TO DUTY OF THE ARMY IN RESPECT TO UNLAWFUL WARS.

THE following Instance of the Influence of the Priesthood brought to bear on public Affairs is from Roman Catholic Authority.

"A half-pay Irish Lieutenant, cousin of the 'Liberator,' and by name O'Connell, received Donna Isabel's commission to raise in Munster a regiment, of which he was to be the Colonel, and to proceed with it, when raised, to the head-quarters of the Legion, then forming under Colonel (or General!) Evans. The name of O'Connell was magic to the Irish; the regiment was formed in a twinkling-to a man, Catholic. On the eve of embarkation, many of them presented themselves for confession to the priests of Cork. These refused to hear them. The uniform you wear 'shews what you are! You are going to fight for the profligate and the unbeliever, against your Church and brethren, in Catholic Spain! Such miserable men as you, are un'worthy of the holy rite you seek from us. You shall not be 'allowed to profane it in this place!' The poor men were astounded. Never till now had they dreamed of anything objectionable in a service with which the Liberator' and his kindred were connected. They began to consult together about making their peace with the Church. Immediately their officers, having heard of the refusal of absolution, issued and enforced an order for the immediate embarkation of all that were actually on shore, and refused permission to those on board to go ashore for the future. Nevertheless, a few swam ashore and escaped; the vessel sailed off with the rest. As she dropped down the Cove, the old women of Cork might have been seen crowding the quay-heads, and on bended knees praying audibly that 'the vessel and all on board of her might sink to the bottom 'of the sea, and that none of them might be spared to fight 'against Holy Church!'"

MEMOIR OF THE SERBIAN GOVERNMENT

On the Subject of the Distrust expressed to the French Ambassador, by the Ambassador of England and the Internuncio of Austria in regard to the Slaavs, and their connection with the Poles.

Belgrade, Feb. 22, 1844.

A SERIES of plots and clandestine intrigues on the part of Russia and Austria, has aroused the Slaavs from their apathy and political lethargy. These two Powers have gone so far, that the political awakening of the Slaavs of the Ottoman Empire is now decided there are no means for arresting it, but every possibility for directing it. The Poles have been uninfluenced by this action of the two Cabinets, who, in order respectively to appropriate and enslave the Slaavs of the south, excited them to conspiracies and insurrections against the Ottoman Porte, and disseminated jealousies, mistrust, and disorder amongst the Slaavs themselves. Poland was scarcely known to the Slaavs, save by impressions little favourable to her. Russia represented her as Papistical, and by this very fact as a permanent obstacle to her designs of emancipating the Slaavs, whom she affects to protect as co-religionists. Austria, on her side, preferring the Russian influence to that which Poland had begun to exercise on the Slaavs since her last insurrection, took advantage of the ancient affinities which link

the Hungarians and the Poles, to represent the latter as friends and political brethren of the Magyars, who were themselves detested by the Slaavs. Even after the events of 1830 and 1831, the Poles in general thought but little of the Slaavs, who, on their side, scarcely knew any thing of the Poles, save the fact of their political annihilation.

But among the Poles, Prince Czartoryski did not lose sight of the Slaavs, nor of the influence which the two Cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburgh were exercising. He saw but three openings in prospect for the Slaavs.

1st. The union of the Slaavs under the sceptre of the Russian Emperor, by the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, and, in a given time, the voluntary or forced dismemberment of the Austrian Empire, which would make the Emperor of Russia the supreme Dictator of Europe and the world, and would condemn the Slaavs to a state of complete bondage.

2ndly, The Protectorate, or protective sovereignty of the Ottoman Porte over the Slaavs. This prospect would not necessarily injure Austria, and would greatly prolong the existence of the Ottoman Empire, in creating for her an accession of strength and a barrier against her natural enemies; it would enable the Slaavs to work out gradually all those improvements which were desirable for the development of their national existence, and their political as well as moral and physical well-being. At