On the 6th of February, 1856, the executive committee issued proclamations announcing the results of the election of State officers, of which the following are copies:

PROCLAMATION.

By authority vested in me, as chairman of the executive committee of Kansas Territory, I do hereby proclaim that at an election held in the different precincts of said Territory, on the 15th day of January, 1856, as provided for by the convention which met at Topeka to "frame a constitution, adopt a bill of rights for the people of Kansas, and take all needful steps toward the formation of a State government, preparatory to the admission of Kansas into the Union," that Charles Robinson, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, has been chosen governor; and that William Y. Roberts, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, has been chosen lieutenant governor; and that Philip C. Schuyler, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, was chosen as secretary of state; and that George A. Cutler, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, was chosen as auditor of state; and that John A. Wakefield, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, was chosen as treasurer of state; and that H. Miles Moore, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, was chosen as attorney general; and that S. N. Latta, Morris Hunt, and M. F. Conway, having each received the highest number of votes cast at said election, were chosen as judges of the supreme court; and that E. M. Thurston, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, was chosen as reporter of the supreme court; and that S. B. Floyd, having received the highest number of votes cast at said election, has been chosen State printer.

And I do hereby proclaim that the same are hereby elected to the positions mentioned, and that they be and appear, as provided in the constitution aforementioned, at the city of Topeka, Kansas, on the 4th day of March, A. D., 1856.

Given under my hand at the office of the executive committee of Kansas Territory, this 6th day of February, A. D. 1856.

J. H. LANE,

Chairman Executive Committee, K. T.

J. K. GOODIN, Secretary.

PROCLAMATION.

OFFICE OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,

Lawrence, K. T., February 8, 1856. By authority vested in me as chairman of the executive committee of Kansas Territory, I do hereby proclaim that at an election held in the several precincts of said Territory, on the 15th day of January, A. D. 1856, as provided for by the convention which met at Topeka to "frame a constitution, adopt a bill of rights for the people of Kansas, and take all needful steps toward the foundation of a State government preparatory to the admission of Kansas into the Union," that Mark W. Delahay received the highest number of votes cast at said

election for representative to the 34th Congress of the United States, and is hereby declared duly elected as said representative. Given under my hand the day and year above written.

J. H. LANE, Chairman Executive Committee. J. K. GOODIN, Secretary.

The legislature met on the day and at the place designated by the State constitution, the State officers and members of the general assembly elect were sworn in, and entered upon the discharge of their respective duties. After electing United States senators, passing some laws, and appointing a codifying committee, the general assembly adjourned to meet on the 4th of July, 1856.

LAWRENCE, K. T., May 13, 1856.

(A.)

MEMORIAL.

G. W. DEITZLER.

To the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress assembled: The memorial of the subscribers, citizens and residents of the Territory of Kansas, respectfully represents:

That a state of things exists in said Territory, unparalleled, as we believe, in the history of our country, and which it becomes our solemn duty to lay before you, and through you before our fellow-citizens of the United States. Under the guaranties of your law for the organization of the Territory, and in consideration of the privileges which that law held out to us, we left our former homes, met the privations of an uninhabited country, and prepared for adding another republic to our Union. The right of civil and religious liberty, the rght of suffrage and self-government were set up as the beacon lights which beckoned us on. As freemen we were invited, as freemen we came, and as freemen we expected to live. But we address you now as an outraged and subjugated people, disfranchis and enslaved, stripped of our dearest rights, and governed by a set of master foreign to our soil, and responsible only to their own lawless will. One of the States of our Union, strong in wealth, population, and resources, relying upon her accumulated strength of almost half a century, and taking advantage of our feeble infancy as a people, has invaded our soil, seized upon our rights, subjugated our Territory, and selected for us our rulers; intending, also, to dictate our laws, and make us the slaves of their will. This may well seem an almost incredible thing in the nineteenth century, and in this republican Union, the peculiar and boasted land of liberty and self-government; but the evidence of it is as palpable and undeniable as the fact is bitter and mortifying to us and disgraceful to the public.

This invasion of our soil and usurpation of our rights commenced at the first moment of calling those rights into action. The first ballot box that was opened upon our virgin soil was closed to us by overpowering numbers and impending force. It became, not what Americans have been proud to designate it, the exponent of the people's will, but was converted into the sword of the oppressor to strike

vil liberty. So bold and reckless were our invaders that they

cared not to conceal their attack. They came upon us, not in the guise of voters, to steal away our franchise, but boldly and openly to snatch it with the strong hand. They came directly from their own homes, and in compact and organized bands, with arms in hand and provisions for the expedition, marched to our polls, and when their work was done returned whence they came. It is unnecessary to enter into the details; it is enough to say that three districts, in which, by the most irrefragable evidence, there were not 150 voters, most of whom refused to participate in this mockery of the elective franchise, these invaders polled over a thousand votes. Loving our country and its institutions, we were willing, if this was to be only a solitary instance, to suffer it in silence, rather than to proclaim to the world that even in this remote spot of our great country civil liberty was but a name. Bitter and mournful experience has taught us, however, that this was no isolated act, no temporary ebulition, but the commencement of a well matured and settled plan, by a large portion of the people of one of the States of our Union, permanently to enslave us and constitute themselves our masters.

On the 30th day of March last, we were again invited to the ballotbox, under the law which we, in common with our fellow-citizens of the States, had, through your body, enacted. Our vigilant and faithful chief magistrate had surrounded it with all the guards and precautions with which his authority invested him, and we were prepared to exercise the dearest and most cherished privilege of American citizens, with a full sense of the vital and interesting importance of this peculiar occasion. The occasion came, and with it came our invading and self-constituted masters in thousands, and with all the paraphernalia of war. They came, organized in bands, with officers, and arms, and tents, and provisions, and munitions of war, as though they were marching upon a foreign foe, instead of their own unoffending fellow-citizens. Upon the principal road leading into our Territory and passing several important polls, they numbered not less than twelve hundred men, and one camp alone contained not less than six hundred. They arrived at their several destinations the night before the election, and having pitched their camps and placed their sentries, waited for the coming day. Baggage-wagons were there, with arms and ammunition enough for a protracted fight, and among them two brass field-pieces, ready charged. They came with drums beating and flags flying, and their leaders were of the most prominent and conspicuous men of their State.

In the morning they surrounded the polls, armed with guns, bowieknives, and revolvers, and declared their determination to vote at all hazards, and in spite of all consequences. If the judges could be: made to subserve their purposes and receive their votes, and if ne obstacle was cast in their way, the leaders exerted themselves to preserve peace and order in the conduct of the election, but, at the same time, did not hesitate to declare that if not allowed to vote they would proceed to any extremity in the destruction of property and life. If control of the polls could not be had otherwise, the judges were, by intimidation, and, if necessary, by violence, prevented from performing their duty; or, if unyielding in this respect, were driven from their post, and the vacancy filled, in form, by the persons on the

ground, and whenever, by any means, they had obtained the control of the board, the foreign vote was promiscuously poured in, without discrimination or reserve, or the slightest care to conceal its nefarious illegality. At one of these polls, two of the judges, having manfully stood up in the face of this armed mob and declared they would do their duty, one portion of the mob commenced to tear down the house, another proceeded to break in the door of the judges' room, whilst others, with drawn knives, posted themselves at the window, with the proclaimed purpose of killing any voter who would allow himself to be sworn. Voters were dragged from the window because they would not show their tickets or vote at the dictation of the mob, and the invaders declared openly, at the polls, that they would cut the throats. of the judges if they did not receive their votes without requiring an oath as to their residence. The room was finally forced, and the judges, surrounded by an armed and excited crowd, were offered the alternatives of resignation or death, and five minutes were allotted for their decision. The ballot-box was seized, and, amid shouts of "hurra for Missouri," was carried into the mob. The two menaced judges then left the ground, together with all the resident citizens, except a few who acted in the outrage because the result expected from it conformed to their views, and because it enabled the few to rule the many. When an excess of the foreign force was found to be had at one poll, detachments were sent to others where it was supposed they might be needed. At the polls adjoining the one above alluded to, one of the judges, a minister of the Gospel, who refused to accede to the demands of a similar mob of some four hundred armed and organized men, was driven by violence from his post and the "vacancy" filled by themselves. Threats and violent demonstrations were rife, and another clergyman, for the expression of his opinion, was assaulted and beaten. The inhabitants of the district, powerless to resist the abundant supply of arms and ammunition, the organized preparation, and the overwhelming numbers of these foreigners, left the polls without voting.

In the Lawrence district, where was the largest camp of these invaders, speeches were made to them by leading residents of Missouri, in which it was said that they would carry their purpose, if need be, at the point of the bayonet and bowie-knife, and one voter was fired at as he was driven from the election ground. Finding they had a greater force than was necessary for that poll, some two hundred men were drafted from the number and sent off, under their proper officers, to another district, after which they still polled from this camp over seven hundred votes. In the fourth and seventh districts, along the Santa Fé road, similar scenes were enacted. The invaders came together in one armed and organized body, with trains of fifty wagons, besides horsemen, and, the night before election, pitched their camp in the vicinity of the polls, and having appointed their own judges in place of those who, from intimidation or otherwise, failed to attend, they voted without any proof of residence. In these two election districts, where the census show one hundred voters, there were polled three hundred and fourteen votes, and last fall seven hundred and sixty-five votes, although a large portion of the actual residents did not vote upon either occasion. In the sixteenth election district hun