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of citizens from in and about Weston. carriages and some on horseback.

Some from Weston came in

The steamboat New Lucy was lying at the levee at Weston, and we chartered her to bring down from eighty to one hundred for $2 50, round trip, meals included. I think each man paid his own fare on the boat, as this was considered rather a luxurious way of travelling here. As regards the other companies, money was raised to pay their expenses, or a portion of them, to buy their provisions and outfit, by voluntary contributions from those who could not come, but were friendly to the cause. The captain of the New Lucy was Captain William Conolly. The boat started from Weston and got down here in the course of an hour. I should think there were one thousand men on the ground here, armed with bowie knives and revolvers generally, some few guns among them. The citizens of Missouri were generally distinguished by a badge of hemp in the button hole, or elsewhere about their persons. A very large crowd was gathered about the polls. Ropes were carried back from the window so as to form a lane, up which persons went to vote and then passed out. During the forepar, of the day there was a great deal of crowding about the polls. he free State men, I think, did not take much part in that election. I voted that day the pro-slavery ticket, as the rest of the Missourians did. The pro-slavery ticket were Rees and Eastin for council, Matthias, Payne, and McMeekin for house of representatives. I have carefully examined the poll books for that election and find on it the names of persons I knew to have been then citizens of Missouri, as follows:

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Thomas Baumont,

J. M. Guthrie,
James H. Hall,

John B. Wells,
George Grimsby,
William H. Spatt,

William H. Nems,

John Venemon,

Judge William B. Almond,

Joseph Guynard,

B. W. McGee,
N. A. Wilkinson,
R. M. Gordon,
Robert Pents,
J. M. Summers,
A. T. Guthrie,
R. B. Chinn,
E. F. Pierce,
John Many,
Jackson Summers,
R. W. Chinn,
John W. Beding,
F. Marshall,
Samuel B. Offutt,

B. W. Mitchell,
A. P. Walling,
Franklin Yocum,
Jeremiah Crabb,
D. S. Leech,
James Saunders,
T. R. Buckhart,
James Doniphan,
William Dickey,
W. A. Wilson,
John B. Camp,
W. Christiam,
Smith Collant,
Joseph Nowers,
C. E. Woolfolk,
R. H. Stewart,
Jesse Vineyard,
W. S. Offut,
James Barber,
William A. Gabbet,
E. H. Pierce,
David Large,
Isaac Archer,
L. P. Stiles,

W. A. Guthrie,

G. W. Robins,

W. L. Dameal,
Joseph Murphy,
John Gunsollis, captain of
steamboat Golden State,
William Conolly, captain of
steamboat New Lucy,
George W. Peirce,

H. J. Woolf, clerk of Wes-
ton court of common pleas,
William C. Kimber,

H. Miles Moore,
John B. Wells,
D. A. Johnson,
N. B. Brooks,
John R. Congers,
John T. Owens,
George W. Dye,
G. U. Baumont,
W. W. Woods,

D. S. Gordon,

Israel Dougherty,
A. Gilbert,
J. C. Cockrill,
R. F. Fisk,
Samuel Fernandis,
Frank Gilbert,
Harvey Burch,
D. J. Pence,
John D. Harper,
P. K. Wagoner,
Jacob Pitts,
John Moor,
W. T. Barbee,
W. T. Woods,
Edward Duncan,
Am. Owens,
John W. Corser,
Joseph Holiday,

G. W. Robins,

George Kimper,
W. A. Newman,

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Michael Burch. (89 in all.)

I should think there were 500 or more votes cast that day by Missourians, at the election at Leavenworth city. Several speeches were made by gentlemen from Missouri, and the candidates exhorting the people to vote, that they had a perfect right to vote under the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. My opinion that most of those who came from Missouri to the Territory to vote were induced to do so from representations made to them that there were large numbers of emigrants coming from the north and east, under the auspices of the Emigrant Aid Society, for the purpose of voting to make Kansas a free State, and then returning. Such statements were published in the papers through western Missouri, together with statements that these eastern emigrants threatened, after making Kansas a free State, to come over into Missouri and interfere with slavery there, and I think that very few of the free State men voted at Leavenworth at this election. I had conversation with several free State men who resided in Leavenworth city and its vicinity, in which they stated that they were disgusted with the manner in which the election was being conducted, and that the free State men would not vote, but would contest the election. I tried to persuade them to vote, and their reply was, that the people of Missouri were controlling the election, and they would not take part in it. I know those free State men I conversed with were citizens of Leavenworth and vicinity from that I had been one of the town proprietors from its inception, and I was the first secretary of the town association, and these free State men were some of those who had bought shares and lots in the town, which I had transferred to them as secretary. I had attended all the public sales of lots as secretary of the association, and had been here nearly every week on business connected with the association, as well as on my own business. The free State men generally had nothing to do

with the election. I did not see any attempts to prevent any one from voting. The polls were very much crowded during the fore part of the day. In the afternoon the polls were clear, and at times calls were made for more voters, and I think any one could have voted who had so desired. Just before sundown the New Lucy returned to Weston, there being more persons going back on the boat than came down on her in the morning. For several days after the election. many persons passed through Weston back into Missouri, among whom I saw most of those I knew, and had seen going into the Territory, and they stated to me the several precincts they had been to and voted, and said they had made a clean sweep that time.

I came into the Territory to reside in September, 1854. Shortly after that an election for locating the county seat was held in this county, at which large numbers of Missourians, from Platte county, Weston, and Platte city, came to Delaware city and Kickapoo and voted at that election. I had believed that the Missourians had had some justification for endeavoring to come and control the territorial legislation, in order to afford more security to their slave property in Missouri, and for that reason I had come with them; but their course with regard to the mere local election for county seat was so highhanded an outrage upon the rights of the people of the Territory, of whom I had then become one, that I came to the resolution that I would no longer act with a party so regardless of the rights of others that they would interfere in a matter in which they could have no personal or political interest, I determined to act with the free State party so long as they were actuated by what I considered proper motives, though I would have continued to act with the pro-slavery party had they not acted as they did. I therefore concluded to act with the free State party so long as they were willing to act consistently with the principles of the organic act, and submit to the territorial laws while in force. At the election for county seat, Delaware county, with a population of not more than forty voters, polled nearly a thousand votes. A large majority of the votes polled at Kickapoo were by Missourians. The people of Leavenworth polled between 500 and 600 votes, all given by actual residents, so far as I was able to find out.

In consequence of my determination at this time to act thereafter with the free State party I became obnoxious to the pro-slavery men, both in Missouri and in the Territory. My person and property has been frequently threatened with violence and destruction by them for six months or more past. I was elected at the election for State officers, under the Topeka State constitution, attorney general of the State of Kansas. In March last I took the oath of office, with the express understanding that it should not be binding on me, and I should not enter upon the discharge of my official duties until Kansas had been admitted into the Union as a State by Congress. On Wednesday, May 28, 1856, I was arrested while standing at my office door, about noon, by Major Warren D. Wilkes, who had a posse with him of some twenty or twenty-five men, armed with United States muskets and bayonets. At the time of the arrest I was conversing with Marcus J. Parrot and Hon. John Sherman, a member of the Kansas investitigating committee of the House of Representatives. This posse

marched down the street in column in platoons of four, and when they reached my office they faced about and formed in a line, with shouldered muskets. A man by the name of Eli Moore, who has been, and I think is now, deputy sheriff of this county, approached with Major Wilkes, and pointed out to him Mr. Parrot and myself. Major Wilkes said to us, "Gentlemen, I have to arrest you temporarily. Mr. Parrot said to Mr. Sherman, "What shall we do?" Mr. Sherman said, "I can do nothing; I am powerless in this matter." Mr. Sherman then turned to Major Wilkes, and asked him if he had a warrant for our arrest, and he said he had not. Mr. Sherman then asked him by what authority he made the arrests, and he said, "By an authority higher than my own; I am not acting on my own responsibility and then holding out his hand with a crumpled piece of paper in it, he said, "I have a list of names here for arrests. I then went into my office, locked up my desk, got my hat, and came out and locked my office. I then inquired of Major Wilkes by what authority he arrested me, or if he had a warrant from anybody for my arrest. Major Wilkes replied, "I have no time to parley; take your place in the ranks;" which Mr. Parrot and myself did. Martin F. Conway and Mr. Weibling were then prisoners as we were. Mr. Sherman then approached Mr. Conway, and inquired when he was taken. Just as he spoke the word of command was given to "forward, march." As we started Mr. Conway turned to Mr. Sherman and said, "I have left the papers I was copying with Mrs. Sherman." We were then hurriedly marched down and placed in a warehouse of Captain Clarkson, and kept there, under a strong guard, until the next morning, when I was sent for by the commissioner. A guard went up to the committee room with me. The committee refused to examine me while I was under guard, unless some legal authority was shown for my detention. I was then taken back. Subsequently, and while i was in custody, I was informed by Captain Clarkson that a secret council had been held, and had determined that I must leave the Territory. I asked him what were the charges against me, and if I might not go before the congressional investigating committee and make some explanation. He said that I had taken a prominent part. in the free State movement, and had accepted an office under the State. organization, and therefore I had become obnoxious, and with other free State men, a list of whose names they had, must leave the Territory. I expostulated with him, but it was insisted upon that I should leave the Territory. I explained to him that I had great interest in this town, and I should be pecuniarily ruined if obliged to leave so summarily, and that I expected my wife here shortly, and looked for her to arrive on each boat. He said that under those circumstances I would be allowed a little longer time than otherwise, but I must leave the Territory in a very short time, at all events, and his orders were imperative.

Being compelled thus to leave, I have been requested by Messrs. Howard and Sherman, who deem my evidence important, to give it thus in private, believing as I do that my person and life would be endangered at this time should I give it in public.

LEAVENWORTH CITY, K. T., May 30, 1856.

H. MILES MOORE.

To Mr. Oliver:

SAMUEL RIXEY called and sworn.

I am acquainted with Thomas Hodges, of Platte county, Missouri. He lives one mile above me on Bee creek. I have never had any conversation with Mr. Hodges in regard to any election in this Territory. I have never countenanced him in any way, as I have always regarded him as an abolitionist, and never regarded him except with contempt; and I declare the statement made by him, that I offered him five dollars to come over and vote, or for anything connected in any way with coming to this Territory to vote, at any time, is false. I have not seen him since I understood that he was here testifying before this committee. I never heard of his testifying in regard to my offering to bribe him until this morning. I have no recollection of ever soliciting him to come to any election in the Territory. Mr. Thomas Hodges I refer to is the one I understood has testified before this committee.

LEAVENWORTH CITY, K. T., May 31, 1856.

SAMUEL RIXEY.

To Mr. Scott:

WILLIAM G. MATTHIAS testifies.

I came into the Territory of Kansas and settled at Leavenworth City on the 23d of November, 1854. I was present at the election of the 30th March, 1855, at Leavenworth. The candidates at that election were L. J. Eastin and R. R. Rees for council, pro-slavery, and A. J. Whitney and Mr. Twombley, free State, for council; H. D. McMeekin, A. Payne, and myself, pro-slavery, Felix Braden, Dr. France, and Mr. Browning, free State, were the candidates for the house of representatives. During this spring I was boarding at Fort Leavenworth. There was a ferry at the Fort, and there was also a ferry above the Fort on government land, and all crossing at both ferries were necessarily compelled to pass along the public road along by the Fort. During the month of March there was a great deal of emigration, wagons and people coming across the ferries into the Territory, so that I concluded that the resident voters of our district, which extended out as far as Soldier creek, had increased very considerably.

We were anxiously looking for the proclamation of the governor, so as to find out when the election was held. About the early part of March, about the first week, we heard a rumor that the election was to be held on the 23d of March, and therefore the pro-slavery party called a convention on the 10th of March. At that time we had not learned positively when the election was to be, but I think a messenger came there that night with the proclamation of the governor. We had given but four or five days' notice to the people of the district to meet in mass convention. There were over one hundred pro-slavery voters there at the convention of the 10th of March. On

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