JANUARY 12, 1784.

COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION.

As soon as the Speaker had taken the chair, Mr. Fox, in order to get possession of the house, and to prevent any other business from being brought forward by the minister, before certain resolutions that had been prepared were discussed in the committee on the state of the nation, moved for the order of the day. He was here interrupted by the new members who were brought up to be sworn; and as soon as that business was over, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose at the same moment with Mr. Fox, declaring he had a message to deliver from the King. A great clamour immediately arose in the house who should be heard first, which was at length ended by the Speaker's deciding in favour of Mr. Fox. The question, whether the house should resolve itself into a committee on the state of the nation was then debated. The grounds on which this was opposed by the minister and his friends, were the violent and unprecedented measures adopted by the committee on a former occasion; and the little probability that appeared from the present temper of the house, that their proceedings would in future be conducted with less violence and passion; as parliament stood pledged, as well from the duty they owed their country, as by their own solemn declaration, to direct their attention, without delay, to the affairs of the East India Company. Mr. Pitt implored the house to postpone, at least, for a short time the introduction of measures that might retard or throw any difficulties in the way of this most important consideration. He said he was then ready to bring forward his plan for the better regulation of the company's affairs; and that he challenged a comparison between his, and the bill lately rejected by the lords; and that he desired to stand or fall by the merits or demerits of the measures he should propose. In answer to these arguments, it was denied that either the resolutions already agreed to by the committee, or those which it was intended to propose, were violent or unparliamentary—unprecedented in the latter journals of parliament they undoubtedly were, and for good reasons, because, since the time of the revolution, the dignity and essential rights of that house had never before suffered so open and direct an attack. It had been asserted by many great lawyers, and amongst those by Lord Somers himself, that the crown did not possess the prerogative of dissolving parliament during a session while public business and petitions were pending. But without contending about the question of right, it was strenuously maintained, that the exercise of such a power, in the present instance, would be highly dangerous and criminal: and that the committee wus fully justified in taking such steps as they might think the most effectual for the prevention of such a calamity. The circumstances of the case called for an open and unqualified declaration of their sentiments: and did not admit of that distant and respectful delicacy which parliament usually adopted, when it thought proper to interfere, by its advice, with the executive government. A bill, the result of the most laborious investigations that had ever been carried on in parliament, had passed the house of commons with the warmest approbation of great and independent majorities. His Majesty had been advised to conceal from his ministers his disapprobation of the bill till it was carried into the house of lords, where, through means of an unconstitutional use of the royal name and in

fluence it was rejected. The ministers who brought it in were dismissed from the public service, for no other apparent reason than because they had been supported in that measure, and were believed to possess the confidence of that house; and, lastly, menaces of dissolution were held over the house itself, for the purpose of awing them into an acquiescence in the measures of the new administration. Under such circumstances it was impossible the house should not feel, and feeling, not express their indignation and resentment. The affairs of India were certainly of the most urgent and pressing nature, but it was absolutely necessary, in order to give the subject a free and unbiassed consideration, that the house should not be left dependent for its very existence upon the will of the person whose propositions relative thereto they were about to decide upon. The minister was therefore called upon, if he wished to put a stop to such further measures as the committee might think necessary to adopt for their own security, to give the house some satisfactory assurance that no dissolution would take place. Mr. Pitt positively refused to comply with this requisition, declaring “ that he would never compromise the royal prerogative, nor bargain it away in the house of commons: and in the course of the debate accused Lord North of acting both meanly and hypocritically.

MR. SHERIDAN attacked Mr. Pitt in terms of great severity. He said, if the right honourable gentleman applied hard words to other gentlemen, he should take the liberty of attacking him with the same weapons. The right honourable gentlemen had behaved that day not only with the utmost hypocrisy and meanness, but had held the most insulting language, and the most unconstitutional he had ever heard. He reminded the house of Mr. Banks's words before the recess, when he had pledged himself to the house, as he declared, by the authority of the right honourable gentlemen, that there should be no dissolution nor prorogation of parliament; and had said, his right honourable friend not only would not himself advise any such measure, but would hold himself bound to quit his office, if any such measure was adopted by his colleagues. Mr. Sheridan reminded the house also, that Mr. Banks had desired to be furnished with stronger language to express what he said to the house, if the house were not satisfied with his words. Mr. Sheridan also attacked Mr. Dundas with considerable poignancy of wit and humour. After answering the serious parts of his argument, he touched upon the pleasant points of his speech, and said it was so unusual for the learned gentleman to indulge himself in merriment, that he presumed the success that had attended the arts practised to corrupt the majority during the recess, had given him a new flow of spirits, and encouraged him to think he should keep his place. The learned gentleman seemed to be in better humour

with newspapers than usual; his speech, he said, might fairly be deemed hints for paragraphs and sketches for prints. He did not doubt but his hint was already taken; and that the next morning they would see the print he had recommended. He hoped, however, they would be favoured with a companion; and that another figure, a striking likeness of the learned gentleman would be engraved, with a scroll out of his mouth, on which should be written "appeal to the people." Another print might also contain a similar figure, and underneath might be wrote "an advocate for chartered rights," which might be symbolically expressed by his holding his own India bill in his hand. After diverting the house excessively with these and other laughable ideas, Mr. Sheridan returned to seriousness, and read a paşsage from the journals in the reign of Charles II. to show that secret influence then prevailed; and what was not a little remarkable, he said, was, the agent's name was Temple; but he happened to be only in progress to nobility; and was a simple baronet, not a peer. He went at considerable length into the question at issue between the prerogative of the crown and the privileges of the commons; and illustrated by several very apt and beautiful examples, the new idea of Mr. Fox, that the practice of our constitution was more perfect than the theory.

The majority, who were now persuaded that the new administration were only to be withheld by their fears, from putting an end to the session, resolved to render such a step highly dangerous at least, if not impossible. With this view, as soon as the question for reading the order of the day was carried, on a division of 232 to 193, and the Speaker had left the chair, the two following resolutions were moved in the committee, and passed without a division.-1st. That it is the opinion of this committee, that for any person or persons in His Majesty's Treasury or in the Exchequer, or in the Bank of England, employed in the payment of the public money, to pay, or direct or cause to be paid, any sum or sums of money, for or towards the support of the services voted in this present session of parliament, after the parliament shall have prorogued or dissolved, if it be prorogued or dissolved before any act of parliament shall have passed appropriating the supplies to such services, will be a high crime and misdemeanor, a daring breach of the public trust, derogatory to the fundamental privileges of parliament, and subversive of the constitution of this country."-2nd. "That it is the opinion of this committee, that the chairman of the committee be directed to move the house, that the bill for punishing mutiny and desertion, and for the better payment of the army and their quarters, be read a second time on Thursday the 23d of February next.

The immediate dissolution of parliament being thus far rendered impracticable, two resolutions of a more direct and hostile nature were moved by the Earl of

Surrey. The first, "That in the present situation of His Majesty's dominions' it was peculiarly necessary that there should be an administration which had the confidence of that house and the public." It was objected to this resolution that the name of His Majesty had been perhaps accidentally and certainly very improperly omitted; and it was proposed by Mr. Dundas to amend the motion by inserting instead of the words, "this house and the public," the following, "the crown, the parliament, and the people." As this amendment was merely proposed for the purpose of pointing out the factious spirit of the resolution, it was rejected without a division. The second resolution—“ That the late changes in His Majesty's councils had been immediately preceded by dangerous and universal reports, that the sacred name of the king had been unconstitutionally used to affect the deliberations of parliament; and that the appointments made were accompanied by circumstances new and extraordinary, and such as did not conciliate or engage the confidence of that house." The fact principally insisted upon as the ground of this resolution was, the rumour respecting the communication from the king to several peers, touching the India bill, through Earl Temple. In answer to those who required some further proof of this transaction, it was remarked, that the fact would only be known to three parties,—to the peers to whom the communication was made,—to the great personage from whom it came,-and to the noble earl who conveyed it. That it was not to be supposed the first should come voluntarily forward to divulge what might be considered as a confidential conversation with the certainty of incurring the severest displeasure of the court. That if it were false, it might reasonably have been expected that the ministers then in office would have received authority from His Majesty to contradict a report so injurious to the honour of the crown; but at all events, that the noble earl was bound, when he heard that the house was proceeding upon those reports to come forward and clear himself. Another fact was related to the Committee by Gen. Ross, which though denied by a near relation of the party in the house, and never substantiated so fully as to ground any further proceedings thereon, yet appeared to have great weight in the determinations of the members. The matter was, that a few days before, one of the lords of His Majesty's bed-chamber, whom he afterwards named to be the Earl of Galloway, had desired to see him at his house, where he told him that if he voted against the new administration that day, he would be considered as an enemy to the king.

MR. SHERIDAN said, he thought it right to inform the honourable general that he ought not to mention the name of the noble lord in a committee; he could only do it in the house. Mr. Sheridan declared, he by no means approved of those who had been adverse to every thing fair and reasonable, all of a sudden turning short, and affecting great earnestness to promote inquiry. With regard to the motion, he said it was absolutely necessary. Why did not the noble earl, who had been so often alluded to of late, come fairly within the bar, as other noble lords had done at different periods of our history before him, and fulfil the pro

mise given to that house by an honourable gentlemen, (his relation) a few weeks since; when it had been declared, that he had given back the seals he had received, into His Majesty's hands, and returned to a private station, in order to make himself completely amenable to any inquiries into his conduct that house might think proper to institute? The noble earl might in that situation have an opportunity of fully clearing his character, by answering to such questions as should be put to him on the veracity of a gentleman;-he would not say on the honour of a nobleman, because he might then be suspected of meaning to utter a satire on the peerage.

After a warm debate on the latter motion, in which the most pointed personalities were cast and retorted from both sides of the house, at seven in the morning the committee divided.-For the motion 196; against it 54.

JANUARY 16.

COMMITTEE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION.

The resolution which passed on the 12th of January, would probably at any other period, have operated directly against the ministry; but the stake was too deep to be hastily thrown away; and an attempt was therefore made to evade the consequences of that vote, by considering it as too generally worded to convey any direct censure on the members of the present administration. In order therefore to bring this point to a more direct issue, the following resolution was moved by Lord Charles Spencer in the Committee on the state of the nation." That it having been declared to be the opinion of this house, that in the present situation of His Majesty's dominions, it is peculiarly necessary there should be an administration that has the confidence of this house and of the public; and that the appointments of His Majesty's present ministers were accompanied by circumstances new and extraordinary; and such as do not conciliate or engage the confidence of this house: the continuance of the present ministers in trusts of the highest importance and responsibility, is contrary to constitutional principles, and injurious to the interests of His Majesty and his people.

MR. SHERIDAN very ably supported the motion; and reminded Mr. Powys of his having used this quotation from Shakespeare, the day or two before Lord North retired two years

ago:

the times have been

That, when the brains were out, the man would die

And there an end ;

Mr. Sheridan said, the souls of the present ministry were de