and on the 27th, copies of the same, and of the provisional treaty with the United States of America, were laid before both houses of parliament: and after a short debate, ordered to be printed.

Monday, the 17th of February, was appointed for taking them into consideration; and in the intermediate time several motions were made for such papers and documents as might assist the house in deciding on their merits. On the day appointed upwards of 450 members were assembled. After the papers were read, a motion was made by Mr. Thomas Pitt, and seconded by Mr. Wilberforce," that an address of thanks should be presented to the King, for his gracious condescension in ordering the preliminary und provisional articles of the several treaties which his Majesty had concluded, to be laid before them; and to assure his Majesty, they had considered them with that attention so important a subject required. To express their satisfaction that his Majesty had, in consequence of the powers intrusted to him, laid the foundation by the provisional articles with the states of North America, for a treaty of peace, which they trusted would insure perfect reconciliation and friendship between both countries; and that in this confidence they presumed to express their just expectations, that the several states of North America would carry into effectual aud satisfactory execution those measures which the congress was so solemnly bound by the treaty to recommend in favour of such persons as had suffered for the part they had taken in the war; and that they should consider this circumstance as the surest indication of returning friendship. To acknowledge their due sense of that wise and paternal regard for the happiness of his subjects, which induced his Majesty to relieve them from the burthensome and expensive war; and to assure his Majesty that they would encourage every exertion of his subjects of Great Britain and Ireland in the improvement of those resources, which must tend to the augmentation of the public strength, and the prosperity of his dominions."

Of this address an amendment was moved by Lord John Cavendish, to leave out all thal part after the words “to assure his Majesty," and to insert instead thereof the following:-" His faithful commons will proceed to consider the same, with that serious and full attention which a subject of such importance to the present and future interests of his Majesty's dominions deserves. That in the mean time they entertained the fullest confidence of his Majesty's paternal care; that he will concert with his parliament such measures as may be expedient for extending the commerce of his subjects. That whatever may be the sentiments of his faithful commons on the investigation of the terms of pacification, they beg leave to assure his Majesty of their firm and unalterable resolution to adhere inviolably to the several articles for which the public faith is pledged, and to maintain the blessings of peace, so necessary to his Majesty's subjects, and the general happiness of mankind."

A second amendment was afterwards moved by Lord North, to insert after the words commerce of his subjects," the following :-" And his Majesty's faithful commons feel that it would be superfluous to express to his Majesty the regards due from the nation to every description of men, who, with the risk of their lives,

and the sacrifice of their properties, have distinguished their loyalty and fidelity during a long and calamitous war."

The original address was supported by Mr. Secretary Townshend, Mr. ChanChancellor Pitt, Mr. Dundas, the Solicitor-General, and by Mr. Powys, Mr. Banks, and some other country gentlemen. The amendments by Lord North, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan, Governor Johnstone, Lord Mulgrave, Sir Henry Fletcher, Mr. Adam, and by several country gentlemen.

MR. SHERIDAN made a very accurate reply to the Lord Advocate; and warmly touched upon the strokes the learned lord threw out on the conduct of his honourable friend (Mr. Fox) and the share he had taken during the short time he was in administration to effectuate the great end of peace. He contended that the treaty on the table was of the most disgraceful nature, for it relinquished completely everything that was glorious and great in this country. If there was a single article that had a view to the interests of the empire-if there was a single article that had not concession for its object, he would not contend that the peace was what almost every person pronounced it. The sixteenth article was one of the most inconsistent political productions that could possibly be supposed; it was couched in such vague and loose terms, that it must have relation to the impending treaty with Holland. It was with the view of finding out the extent of that article, and what reference it had to the treaty yet pending, and the political disposition it evidently had towards France, that the honourable gentleman made his motion on a former day; and which called forth the indignation of a right honourable person in his eye (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) as being inconsistent with the established usage of the house— unprecedented and preposterous in the extreme. This convinced him, however, that the right honourable gentleman was more a practical politician than an experienced one; his years and his very early political exaltation, had not permitted him to look where there had been precedents, or to acquire a knowledge of the Journals of the house. Had his youth permitted him to acquire such knowledge, his discretion would not have suffered his abilities, which Mr. Sheridan greatly admired, to be carried away by his heat and precipitancy; he would not with so much indignation have resented the asking questions, which it was the duty of ministers to satisfy. If he had consulted the Journals,

the honourable gentleman said he would have found incontestible evidence, to prove the groundless authority of his indignant assertions; he would have found that it was not unprecedented to lay a depending treaty before the house; nay, that before a single step had been taken to complete any of the points of it, it had been usual for parliament to be in possession of the principles upon which it was proposed a treaty should turn. Parliament was called upon to assist with its advice on the vast subject of national importance; which peace must naturally, in all times be, as involving in it so much the general prosperity and happiness of Europe. Ministers in former days, had not the ingenious modesty and handsome diffidence of those of the present; they, distrusting their own abilities on a matter of such infinite importance, were not ashamed to call in the assistance of parliament. They were not so eager to sport their responsibility; nor did they fear that the house would interfere to rob them of the glory of their negociations; nor did they, with the anxious solicitude of the present gentlemen, hide every iota of the progress of their negotiation, either with a view of astonishing the world with the splendour of their pacific acquisitions, or to show their contempt of the wisdom of parliament, in the administration of their own transcendant abilities.

After having proceeded in this vein, he introduced, in support of the conduct of ministers, at the treaty of Aix-laChapelle, stated by the noble lord in the blue riband, a further precedent, extracted from the Journals of the house, in Queen Anne's reign, before the treaty of Utrecht; and which Mr. Sheridan read as part of his speech. It stated, that Her Majesty, notwithstanding it was the undoubted prerogative of her crown to make peace and war; nevertheless, anxious for the happiness of her people, and relying on the affection of her faithful commons, had ordered to be laid before them, for their advice and approbation, the principles upon which she conceived a general pacification could be most effectually established for the glory of her crown, and the happiness of her people; at the same time informing them, that no step had been taken for the completion of the treaty, nor would there, without their advice and approbation. Thus he showed, that it was not only precedented to lay the case of the negociation before the house, in its depending state, but the principles

upon which the treaty was to take effect, before the negotiation, for it had ever been commenced. How unlike that was the conduct of the present minister, when the amendment of his noble friend, proposing to give time for the consideration of the articles, to which they were called upon in so very extraordinary a manner to give their approbation: they were told, they had the articles for three weeks before them; and that they had ample time, of course, for information; at the same time that ministers had the hardiness to make use of such language, they seemed to forget the almost inquisitive exactness with which they shut out the members of that house from obtaining any knowledge of those circumstances, that could alone qualify them to decide with judgment upon a treaty, that either showed Great Britain to be ruined beyond redemption; or that her interests and her glory had been sacrificed to views that were not immediately discernable.

The answer to every requisition for the production of any article that might lead to this necessary purpose, as was the case of his motion a few days before, Mr. Sheridan said, was in the language of indignation; it was indecent; it was unprecedented and preposterous in the extreme, for gentlemen to introduce any circumstances of enquiry before the day appointed for the discussion of the treaty; and yet on that day, right honourable persons in his eye had, with the peculiar modesty which so distinguished them, called on the house for their approbation of a treaty, which, it was argued with much indignation, it would be indecent in them to make any enquiries whatever into. But taking the pledge of their bashfulness and modest confidence in their own superior abilities, as the criterion of its perfection; ministers required the house to be so preposterous as to give a vote of approbation to a treaty, that with the most anxious solicitude they were even prevented from so much as speaking on, until the time they had been so confidently called upon to give it their approbation. And the object of his late motion, he contended, was justly affirmed by an honourable commodore to be of very great magnitude. If Trincomalee was given up, our territories in India were in a most precarious situation; and he contended, after remarking on what had fallen from Commodore Johnstone, and Sir Henry Fletcher, that the house ought absolutely to know the extent

manner.

of the sixteenth article, and the situation of the negotiation with Holland. He dissected the article in the most humourous To find the meaning of the different articles, grammatical order was to be inverted; for it was impossible to come to the meaning of them, by adhering to the rules of grammar. He then went into the definition of a real British subject, mentioned in the fifth article with America. The twenty-second article with France might have as well run, to prevent all disputes that had hitherto arisen, as all disputes that may hereafter arise; and grounds enough were left for them. Seeds of disunion, and future broils were sown in the inconsistency of a treaty, of which the poorest political dabbler well might be ashamed. The honourable gentlemen drew a very affecting picture of His Majesty's loyal subjects in East Florida, consigned to a government and to a religion they detested. Independently of the impolicy of ceding that province, (and he was not inclined to call the validity of the peace in question, for it was his determination, and that of his friends, to support the national faith,) Mr. Sheridan execrated the treatment of those unfortunate men, who, without the least notice taken of their civil and religious rights, were handed over as subjects to a power, that would not fail to take vengeance on them, for their zeal and attachment to the religion and government of this country. This was an instance of British degradation, not inferior to the unmanly petitions of government to congress for the wretched Loyalists. Great Britain at the feet of congress, suing in vain, was not a humiliation, or a stigma greater, than the infamy of consigning over the loyal inhabitants of Florida, as we had done, without any conditions whatsoever. To the honour of France and Spain, in their most distressing circumstances, in all their cessions, as in Canada, &c. they provided by treaty for the civil and religious rights of their quondam subjects. Mr. Sheridan then read the addresses of the inhabitants of Florida, to the governor, some short time back, breathing in the most animated style, attachment and loyalty to the religion and government of this country, and their detestation of the conduct of His Majesty's rebellious subjects in the other colonies, Mr. Sheridan took a view of the fur trade, the boundaries of Canada, &c. and was apprehensive the great solicitude shown by the administration to conciliate the affections of