He meant to propose to their lordships that a secret committee, consisting of fifteen lords, should be appointed by ballot to examine the papers relative to the conduct of the Queen, which he laid on the table yesterday, and to report thereon. This he considered the most suitable course of proceeding, with reference to the delicacy of the case, the illustrious person to whom the papers related, or indeed to any person whatever who might be the object of such an inquiry. He was on the present occasion particularly desirous of saying as little as possible, and wished to reserve himself until he saw whether any of their lordships thought the course he proposed liable to objection. In that case he would be ready to give any explanation which might appear necessary. He had yesterday stated, that the purpose for which he would propose to appoint the committee would be to inquire whether any, or what, further proceedings should take place on the papers submitted to their examination. This would be the object of their report. He had thought it necessary to state this yesterday, to guard against misunderstanding, and he thought it necessary to repeat it now. He trusted there

was not a man in the House, or in the Country, who would suppose him capable of proposing a mode of proceeding against any person, and least of all against the illustrious person who was the object of this measure, without allowing the fullest opportunity for defence. But the course now suggested, he was convinced, was

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the most proper in point of delicacy towards the illustrious person, and the best with respect to all the important interests connected with the case. Here he wished to leave the subject, being prepared, however, to give such explanation as might, in consequence of observations from any of their lordships, appear necessary. He concluded by moving the appointment of the committee.

The Marquis of LANSDOWN had heard the message from the throne yesterday with more pain than it was possible for him to express, because he felt, and should always feel, that any inquiry instituted in this or in the other House of Parliament, into the conduct of any of the members of the royal family, was a proceeding not only most revolting to the feelings of the illustrious persons themselves, but inconsistent with the duties of Parliament. Nothing could have induced him to open his mouth on this subject but the situation in which the House was placed. As the subject had been forced on the attention of the House, it was impossible for him to avoid saying something on the course of proceeding proposed by the noble earl. In a case of so much importance, and attended with so many extraordinary circumstances, he should have expected the noble lord to have taken occasion to acquaint the House with the grounds on which he brought forward his proposition, and to give some explanation of the reasons on which he recommended the course of proceeding he had

suggested. In a state of entire ignorance of the transactions to which the papers proposed to be examined referred-and he wished to God that that ignorance might be allowed to continue!-it would be important to their Lordships to be informed what was the opinion of his Majesty's Ministers on the subject-what was the view of the case entertained by those persons who must have had their attention particularly directed to it in the course of their official duties. But, deprived of this information, he felt himself bound to state to the House those objections which occurred to his mind against the course proposed to be adopted by the noble earl. That course, if he understood it rightly, was the appointing by ballot a secret committee to examine the papers referred to in the communication from the throne. Now, under what circumstances was this communication made? With a perfect knowledge on the part of their lordships, that a message of similar purport had been delivered to the other House of Parliament, and that it contains a distinct statement, advised by the servants of the Crown, that the conduct of her Majesty has been such as to require the attention of Parliament. Now, under these cir cumstances, he earnestly desired their lordships to consider the character in which they stood as a court of judicature, (hear, hear,) and the only court before which any ulterior proceeding founded on the report of its committee could come. knew nothing of any degree of guilt or impro

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priety which might be imputed to the conduct of the Queen: but when their lordships considered the weight and importance of the communication which had been made to them, and the nature and extent of the course of proceeding now proposed, they could not exclude from their minds the possibility of that communication leading to an impeachment by the other House of Parliament. No person who was unacquainted with the contents of the papers to be submitted to the committee, could form any opinion on the consequences of the inquiry, or could say that its result would not lead to such an event as that he had supposed possible. And if such should be its result, let him beseech their lordships to consider well the situation in which they would be placed. (hear, hear.) He need not remind their lordships of the anxiety shown in ordinary courts of justice, to take care that unprejudiced persons should be called to perform the office of jurors. When such pains were taken to prevent the minds of those who were to decide in any ordinary case from being biassed, would their lordships, with the probability of their becoming judges staring them in the face, adopt a course of proceeding which, in the opinion of all mankind, must disqualify them for that office? He hoped they would pause before they agreed to the noble earl's proposition. He wished them, before proceeding further, to consider whether the course which it was recommended to them to adopt, might

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not lead to something inconsistent with those functions which belonged to them as a court of judicature. But was the course proposed by the noble earl attended with any advantage capable of inducing their lordships to encounter this risk? Certainly, if the reference of the papers to a secret committee would really have the effect of secrecy with respect to the public-if that reference might be the means of preventing the public of England from becoming parties to transactions, which it must be the wish of their lordships, and every honest man, rather to conceal in oblivion-he would approve the course proposed by the noble lord. But did any man actually believe that the reference to a secret committee would have such an effect? Was the illustrious person, who was made the subject of inquiry, to receive no notice of the evidence laid before the committee, and to have no opportunity of rebutting it? When the committee should make their report merely on the papers before them, in what situation would the House stand? The report of a committee so limited, might prove only one step gained towards a further investigation. The noble Earl did not propose that evidence should be heard by the committee on the part of the illustrious personage; it followed, therefore, that on a report founded merely on ex-parte evidence, some further proceeding, leading to most important con sequences, might be proposed for their lordships adoption. Why, then, were not their lordships

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