to be so proper as the present for making a few observations on this subject. He differed from the honorable member, who thought that the striking of the Queen's name from the Liturgy was only a paltry indignity; he considered it as one which ought to be cited on the present occasion, as showing a predetermination on the part of his Majesty's ministers, to condemn her Majesty without a hearing, and without a trial. (hear.) He believed, from inspection of the Act of Parliament, that the exclusion of her Majesty's name from the church-service was illegal; but supposing it, for the sake of argument, to be legal, could it be considered as a matter of indifference as related to her Majesty ? (cries of hear.) Was it not a principle of British justice, established from one end of the King's dominions to the other, that every person shall be considered innocent until they shall be found in due course of law guilty? Was the Queen to be the only person in the island who was to be denied the benefit of this principle? He should contend that, as an act of common justice, the name of the Queen ought to be replaced in the Liturgy, before any measures of inquiry were proceeded in. The public mind had been prejudiced by the acts of ministers; and it was most material that, if it were now to come to the question of guilty, or not guilty, against the Queen, the public mind should not be tampered with, or prejudiced beforehand. The noble lord then alluded to the order in council with

respect to the omission of her Majesty's name in the Liturgy. That order had been sent even out of the jurisdiction of ministers; it had been sent to Scotland; but in Scotland it had been treated as waste paper; many of the most respectable of the clergy had acted in defiance of it; and not long since, in the very assembly to which that order had been sent, a resolution had been voted, condemning the order as an improper interference with the service of the church of Scotland. The noble member concluded by hoping, that if the noble lord (Castlereagh) and his colleagues intended to give to the Queen that advantage, which was not denied to the poorest or to the guiltiest subject-the benefit of an impartial hearing-they would retrace their steps, and place her Majesty's name in the same situation in which it had stood before their interference.

MR. DENMAN would detain the House but a few moments, because he believed that fitter opportunities would occur of expressing his sentiments, and because he entertained some apprehension lest he should be betrayed into a display of the same ardent feeling which had done honour to his friend (Mr. Grey Bennet), and which was much less alarming to him (Mr Denman) than the staid and temperate coldness with which a proposition, pregnant with such consequences to the illustrious individual whom it concerned, and so immediately affecting the general state of the country at large, had been opened by the

ministers of the crown to the consideration of the House. (hear.) He would not trust himself for one moment to pursue the subject; but he thought, that in common justice, he was entitled to ask that the illustrious personage whose arrival in her adopted country had been greeted with an accusation founded not upon witnesses, but upon papers, (hear, hear,) and which was to be referred not to the common tribunals of the country, but to a secret committee of the House, should have the earliest possible notice, and the most distinct account of the proceedings intended to be instituted against her. He took the liberty, upon the part of her Majesty, although without authority certainly upon that particular point, to put a question which could not be improper in any member of the House, and was what was most proper in his (Mr. Denman's) situation: he would take the liberty to ask the ministers of government, who came temperate and without terror to this awful proceeding, what were the measures intended to be taken? (hear, hear.).

Mr. BROUGHAM would not enter even so briefly as his honourable friend (Mr. Denman) had done into the merits of the question before the House. Unhappily, not only for the illustri ous personage herself, but unhappily for the House, for Parliament, for Government, and for the country, a resolution had, it appeared, at last been taken, which made longer silence upon that most important subject utterly impossible. The time was, unfortunately, approaching, when all men

would be called upon to make up their minds, and when his (Mr. Brougham's) lips would, at length, be unsealed from that state of silence which he had hitherto imposed upon them. At the present moment he should only say, and he thought it but fair to give the noble lord (Castlereagh) such warning, that his Majesty's Government would not only have to perform the task, and to succeed in the task, of making out a strong case against the Queen; but they would have another task to execute, foremost in situation and paramount in importance, as regarded their own justification-they would have to show, satisfactorily to show, to convince the House, and the country that it had become impossible longer to postpone or to suppress the discussion. Which way soever it might be, the merits of the case was, in his view, a matter of minor importance, because, whatever might be the Queen's case, the case of ministers must be, that the landing of the Queen in England, that simple act, made all further forbearance absolutely impossible. This truth was so manifestly clear, that he would not waste the time, of the House in urging another word in support of it; and he took it for granted that the noble lord and his colleagues were prepared to set their places upon the event of the present proceeding. In his own justification, the honourable member continued, he now thought it proper to acquaint the House, that, since he had taken his seat, a public newspaper had been put into his hand, in which, to his infinite surprise, he had:

seen a long statement, in many respects an inaccurate, and, in some most material points, a garbled statement of the recent transactions which had taken place at St. Omer. It was necessary, in justice to his noble friend, (Lord Hutchinson) with whom he had acted upon that occasion, and who was not now present, that he shouldfirst declare the statement which had appeared to be imperfect and garbled; and, in his own defence, he felt it necessary to say, although he believed that no member could suspect him of such violation of propriety, that he knew nothing of the mode or manner in which, or of the chan-, nels through which, those circumstances had been made public. To what breach of confidence this publicity, which had been given to part of the proceedings could be attributed he was at a loss to conjecture: until he had come into the House he had not been aware that a tittle of the matter had been promulgated.

The question, that his Majesty's most gracious message be taken into consideration to-morrow, was then put, and carried.

LORD CASTLEREAGH moved that the papers which he had delivered should be kept in the custody of the clerk of the House; which was agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-June 7.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL now rose to make the second motion of which he had given notice, and which related to the course of proceeding.