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But it has been proved, to the conviction even of her enemies, that those alleged facts of Lady Douglas, were absolute and manifest falsehoods. May it not therefore, be safely suggested, that had this injured Princess been fully righted at the time, Lady Douglas would have been amenable to an indictment for high treason, seeing, that by falsely accusing her Royal Highness of certain crimes punishable by death, she did in effect, "imagine the death of our Lady the King's companion?" The other observation which we would hazard, is occasioned by the extraordinary nature of the Commission, appointed under the sign manuel, to inquire into the conduct of Her Royal Highness, and to report thereon. It will be remembered, that the Commissioners were so authorized, principally for the purpose of inquiring into the truth of certain written declarations; many of them going to the full extent of the charges we speak of. Those written declarations were amply sufficient to have, founded a legal trial; which, for any species of treason; (it must not be forgotten, that though Princess of Wales only, she was to be tried the same as a Queen in this particular :) must be, as Blackstone observes," by the Peers of Parliament." Instead of this, a Commission was resorted to, which, even supposing it to have been appointed with all those considerate views, whose humanity we should be inclined to applaud was yet calculated to produce only one of two effects: in the event of actual guilt having been proved, as against Her Royal Highness, to have entirely, destroyed the

possibility of making any defence at any future. trial: or, in the contrary case of her innocence being manifested, as it happened,of leaving her without power to prosecute the detected perjury of her traducers, because they were committed under a Commission, not recognised by the legal tribunals of the kingdom. In short, it was a form of proceeding, calculated to leave Her Royal Highness in the one case, without hope, and in the other, without redress!

We return to the consideration of the reasonable regret, excited in these kingdoms, by the existing state of the relations between Her Royal, Highness, and her Illustrious Consort. It has been already remarked by us, that her present Majesty, long since popular by her amiable, manners and extensive charities, has now become doubly so, from the peculiar hardship of her present situation, and from the contrast of her newly descended greatness, with the actual indignities to which she is exposed. It has been contended, and we are ourselves decidedly disposed to believe, that those privations and vexa-" tions to which she has been so long subjected, have not emanated from that, Illustrious quarter, whence we would gladly indulge the hope, that the olive branch of peace will be soon extended. We trust that this is true; but from whatever quarter the hostility proceeds, the effect of these contending feelings in the public mind, irritation at the persecution which by some means or other pursues Her Majesty; commiseration for those peculiar hardships, and esteem for those virtues,

cannot but be injurious to some of the best interests of His Majesty's Empire, seeing that the public mind is kept in a state of agitation, by no means congenial to that healthy calmness, which is the best symptom of domestic satisfaction. In addition to this, it is hardly necessary to repeat a maxim so trite as that, which relates to the force and influence of example. But it is a maxim of truth; and its best illustration was to be found in the general and happy regard of that conduct, which most ensures conjugal felicity, that was the consequence, in a very great degree, of the noble and shining pattern, which the throne exhibited under the reign of his late Majesty. We are far from meaning any thing either invidious or personal by this remark, and we doubt not, as loyal subjects, that the throne of hist present Majesty will be filled in such a manner, as shall reflect glory upon himself, honor upon his ancestors, and prosperity upon his kingdom! But we do say, and firmly believe, that some arrangement, which shall restore to his Royal Consort those honors and dignities, which are not less the free award of a high-spirited and mighty people, than the privilege of her rankis a necessary preliminary to this happy state of of things. This, at any rate is our firm and conscientious opinion; the public must be the judge; and the event will decide the truth of its judgment.

We proceed to consider the benefits which would arise from a re-establishment of that social compact, which appears to be at present,

unhappily, in a state of decay; but which, we trust to see faithfully and firmly renewed between them.

2ndly. As to the benefits which would arise from such a re-union as we speak of, they are at least as obvious as the existence of the unfortu

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nate differences in question is. Until some amicable arrangement shall have been effected, the result of which may be to connect the public interests at any rate, of the Royal Parties, it is clear that that great party who espouse and warmly advocate the cause of their absent Queen, will by no means consent to co-operate in the measures of His Majesty's Ministers, even where they regard matters of a personal nature, and arrangements which may, perhaps, affect the personal comfort and convenience of the Sovereign. Of the two great national "parties,”— if we may so term them, it will hardly be denied that the Whigs are more generally the supporters or the friends of the present Queen; while the Tories either entertain unpleasant impressions, arising out of the Delicate Investigation, or are more easily induced, from being most immediately connected with the government of the country, to side with the Supreme Head. Now supposing for a moment that some sort of amicable agreement were effected between this Illustrious Pair, the consequence must be that all moderate men would unite; that the most vehement leaders of the Opposition; would feel bound, not less by a sense of duty to the King, than of delicacy to the Queen, to waive the points

at present at issue between themselves and Ministers; and, that as the Whigs and Tories stand in this singular predicament, that many of the latter are pledged to go out of, and many of the former must come into administration, in the event of such agreement; therefore, we say, we may reasonably expect in that case, that His Majesty will be served by the wisest, the best, and the most useful ministers, whom this country will have seen for a long time, indeed!

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Before we proceed to consider the 3rd division of our argument, we shall introduce the following documents, (forming the next chapter,) because they are necessary to elucidate the observations we have next to submit. We have now, then, to lay before the reader, the genuine, unmutilated copies of the note written in his present Majesty's own hand, from Windsor Castle, dated 30th April, 1796, announcing his determination to separate himself from her, and the answer thereto, of her present Majesty: who, being at that time, little conversant with the English language, has drawn the note up, it will be seen in French. The reader is most earnestly requested very carefully and attentively to peruse their contents.

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