the honour to ask his advice, and he had avowed then what he had now avowed, upon the idea of a separate and settled arrangement-an arrangement considered and sanctioned by the late king -an arrangement founded upon the fact of alienation and hopeless irreconcilement. Upon the idea of that arrangement he had concurred in the advice that she should live abroad, with her own family, at Brunswick, or in any other society in Europe which she might prefer, and of which she must be the grace, life, and honour. He had thought that the best advice then, and in his conscience he did now think it the best; and, if he might use so bold a phrase, if she were related to him, he would now say so. In 1814 he had given this advice, because, in addition to the hopeless separation which existed, he had seen that "faction marked her for its own." (cheers.) He had foreseen that she, with her income and her fascinating manners, would have become the rallying point of disaffection and of political intrigue. (hear, hear.) Looking only at the state of separation in which she must live in this country, he asked whether her residence here could contribute to her peace and happiness? (cheers.) But it had been urged against them by the honourable and learned gentleman, that the illustrious personage was required to assume other names. He would so far refer to the authority to which he had already alluded, as to say that it not only distinctly recognised that her Majesty should use some other name,

but actually specified the names that might be used. (Here some explanation was interchanged across the table, by Mr. Canning and Mr. Brougham.) This negotiation had unfortunately failed. For this result no blame could be attached to the hon. and learned gent., or to the noble lord who had accompanied him. Other advice had no doubt been given to her Majesty-advice, which, if it had not proceeded from bad intention, was not characterized, (to use the hon, and learned gentleman's expression) by absolute wisdom. (cheers.) But that advice, at least the failure of the negotiation, had forced them to precipitate matters at once, and to make this appeal to parliament. If the result had been communicated to government alone, and if it had been accompanied with the explanations with which the hon. and learned gent. had now invested it, it would not have had that effect. But what were the characters of the proceeding? Here the right hon. gent. alluded to a letter received (we suppose from Lord Hutchinson) by ministers-a letter which had been written in ignorance of the publication which had taken place, and which had excited such a feeling of irritation in town, and throughout the country. The writer asked if he should wait for further instructions. But before this application could be answered, the publication alluded to, and the Queen's arrival in this country, made the reference of the distressing question to parliament unavoidable. (hear.) He next came to speak of the change made in the

Liturgy. So long as the late King was upon the throne, and the illustrious person was Princess of Wales, there was no occasion for any change. There being no necessity for money, no other reason could induce the government to come to parliament. But when occasion arose, when the situation of the parties was changed, something must have been done; it was no longer possible to stand still, and then the change was made in the Liturgy. This had been represented as a most wanton aggravation, and an act of injustice, for which there had been no necessity. But on a new reign, new arrangements must have been made, and such an arrangement had been made as was in the power of the crown, and was necessary or suitable, not if the Queen lived in London but when she lived abroad, and in a state of continued separation. (hear.) Such a proceeding was not without precedent. The Duke of Cumberland had been prayed for in the reign of George II.; but the practice of praying for him by name was discontinued on the accession of George III. It could not have been supposed that he had been less respected because this change had been made; but the change had been made because his relation to the throne had been changed. But in his opinion, this would have been wrong in the present case, if that measure had been alone, and had not formed a part of the general arrangement. But it had been part of the general arrangement which had been understood as agreed upon when a change

should take place. The hon. and learned gent. said it had preceded the other arrangements; it was the first step in the execution, but it was part of the whole and part of the plan which the hon. and learned gent. was confidently expected to carry into execution. (much cheering.) It had been a part of the same arrangement, and it was founded upon the consideration of the Queen's continued residence abroad. It remained for him to make some observations on the painful peculiarity of this case. He agreed with the hon. and learned gent. that in the history of this country, there was no case precisely analogous, (hear, hear, from the opposition,) while he acknowledged that it ought to bespeak the fair and candid indulgence of the House for the unprecedented difficulty of their situation; but he found in the spirit and practice of the constitution, a precedent for this case. When the crown was in a crisis of extraordinary difficulty, it sent to parliament for advice, and parliament was bound to give advice, counsel, and assistance. This was the spirit and practice of the constitution, and this was the conduct adopted now. The hon. and learned gent. had said that a grand jury was sworn. But if that analogy was to hold, that House could not interfere at all.

If the crown, instead of chalking out a course, threw itself upon parliament for advice, it would be ungracious surely to refuse to give that advice. But the hon. and learned gent. would have his Majesty's ministers to become the Queen's

Y

accusers.

"So help me God," continued the right honourable gentleman, "I never will place myself in the situation of an accuser towards this individual." (cheers.) As long as it was in their power, they did avoid even this discussion, and continued to avoid it, till circumstances overwhelmed them. He could not see the obligation to become accusers, because their efforts in the spirit of conciliation and peace, bad failed. Ministers appealed on this terrible question to parliament. How they should deal with it, was the only point to be determined on. Was it by secret committee, or open investigation? (cheers.) If there was any crime to be laid to her charge, the opportunity must soon be given for its full investigation, for her exposure of the evidence against her, and for her defence If the against the charges of her accusers. characters whose evidence should be used against her, were so degraded and unworthy of belief, there would be an opportunity of proving that they were so. The first wish of his heart was, that she should come out of all trials and difficulties with a pure conscience and unsullied fame. Neither in public life nor in private company, could he ever feel any difficulty or embarrassment in giving expression to this sentiment. Had it been in his power, had he been in any place but where he then was, when this subject began to be agitated, he would have been all ardour and affection, (if he might use the term) in her service; yet, situated as he was,