sum.

It was true, that her Royal Highness, acting under the advice of those who in that day conducted her affairs, declined to receive so large an income. But assuredly in making a new arrangement, they would not take advantage of her Royal Highness's voluntary generosity; they would rather place her income at the point which parliament had marked out, instead of lessening or enlarging it. Therefore, in offering this sum of 50,000l. ministers had only offered that which parliament had recognized in two preceding instances, and which would, he believed, have been sanctioned again, if her Majesty would have received that sum as Queen. It seemed, however, that this proposition was coupled with conditions. These conditions, it was stated, were-first, that her Majesty should not reside in England; and, secondly, that she should give up the title of Queen. Both these points were undoubtedly stated, but the latter not exactly in the way that had been represented. The remaining abroad was, however, clearly laid down in pursuance of the policy that originally led her Majesty to take the decisive step of quitting the country; but to these points he would presently refer more at large. He recollected perfectly well, as he could show the right hon. gent. (Mr. Tierney) in a moment, the part which the right hon. gent. took in 1814. The bill, as originally brought in was to settle an annuity of 50,000l. a year on the Princess of Wales, in a state of recognized and permanent separation

from her husband. That provision was to extend to the term of her natural life; and in the course of the debate, he (Mr. Canning) considered the proposition as the conclusion and winding up of the affairs of the Princess of Wales, which were not to be heard of again. He would do the learned gentleman justice, by expressing his belief, that he went to the management of that negotiation with as sincere a desire to bring it to an amicable conclusion as any individual could feel. He distinctly made that admission, and he made it the rather, because if he had any thing to complain of in the conduct of the learned gentleman, it was this-that if he saw in the terms, which were to be proposed, any thing so objectionable, as made it clear at the first blush that they could not be received, it was a pity that he did not point it out before he left this country; and it was more to be lamented that he did not wait for the expression of her Majesty's indignation, before he gave way to his own. It was strange that no portion of the indignation expressed by the learned gentleman, when those terms were proposed at St. Omer, was kindled in London. He believed that the learned gentleman did go to the continent, not only as he had said, with a sincere desire to forward the negotiation, but with a reasonable hope of bringing it to a happy conclusion. He, however, was never in his life so much disappointed, as when, on his arrival in town on Monday morning, he found that the whole negotiation had failed.

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The learned gentleman had joined with him, he thought, in acquitting the government of any blame with regard to the pecuniary offer; he also admitted he had shown no disrepect to parliament, and that 50,000l. was the precise limit to which the provision should extend. But it seemed that the renunciation of the title of Queen was that which could not be demanded without offence, and the learned gent. rejected the explanation of his noble friend with respect to the light in which that sacrifice was called for. In the memorandum which was put into the learned gentleman's hand, there was an explanation of the sense in which that condition was intended, which must have satisfied his mind that no disposition existed to rob her Majesty of any of her substantive rights. There was no design to take any of them away; but in a letter which had since been published, the phrase that she should lay down all claim to the title and dignity of Queen of England was made use of. The real proposal, however, was, "that she should use some other name than that of Queen." (hear, hear, hear, from the opposition benches.) Gentlemen seemed to confound the phrases, but they were widely different and distinct. It had never been understood that the Emperor of Russia, when travelling through Germany under the title of Count-he recollected not what Count-had renounced the title of Emperor. In the paper which he held in his hand it was stated, that she was not to use any

title that belonged to the royal family. Of that condition he knew nothing; but it might have been a matter of inference in the mind of the noble person who stated it (Lord Hutchinson.) But it did not enter into the minds of his Majesty's government. The government were here placed in a situation of peculiar difficulty,— and a situation out of which he did not know how they could fairly extricate themselves. (hear, hear.) This arose, not from inability, but from particular circumstances. (hear, hear.) They were asked how they came to propose certain terms; but when they proposed them, they had not seen that they could have been rejected. They had been guilty of a great error. At an early period, they had been inadvertent enough to receive a communication under the seal of secrecy. He could not state its contents, though he held the paper in his hand; nor could he state the quarter from which it came, although that would be material; since both were under the same seals. But when goaded by charges of unnecessary and wanton insult, he must mention to the House, that in July, 1819, a statement had been given to government, under the obligation of secrecy, discussing every one of the propositions which had been made to her Majesty. He said, he was precluded from stating its contents; but this he would say fearlessly, that not one proposition had been made by ministers, which had not its prototype in the suggestion this made to government, for the guidance

of its eventual conduct. (loud cheers.). And this suggestion had been made from a quarter— he did not say that it committed the illustrious person, (hear, hear, from Mr. Brougham)-but it had come from a quarter which could not be understood to propose or sanction any thing degrading to her. (cheers.) He appealed to his own heart for the perfect fairness with which government had acted. From whatever quarter the communication, to which he had alluded, had come, he affirmed upon his honour that he had understood in his conscience, that when occasion should arise for the practical use of the proposition it would be accepted.. (Long continued cheers.) He did not say that the illustrious personage, to his knowledge, was in the remotest degree implicated, and, therefore, the whole expectation failed, on her refusal. What he could not conceive was, that the failure should have been accompanied by any precedent indignation in any other quarter. (Loud cheers.) He had in his conscience believed that the treaty already made would have been at once sanctioned. Never had he supposed that the measure could have been refused: never had he supposed that it could have been spoken of in terms of surprise and indignation. (cheers.) But to examine the question, he would ask what reason there had been to anticipate a failure? He remembered in 1814, when he was in a situation unconnected with the government, and when he had frequent intercourse with the illustrious lady, she did him