secret one. (hear, hear.) Whether the body by whom her case would be considered were designated a grand jury, a secret committee, a select committee, a private tribunal, or an inquisition, she cared not; but she required, that the body called on to pronounce an opinion on her conduct, whether intermediate or ultimate, should enable her to hear evidence, to see the witnesses adduced against her, and to confront them by every means within her reach and power. He, as a member of parliament, in the discharge of his duty to this House and to the country, implored gentlemen, once more, to take into their serious consideration all the circumstances he now finally laid before them. His last prayer to the House on this occasion-the last wish he would breathe on the subject was, that the negotiation, which, unfortunately, had not been brought to a favourable issue, might not be broken off all at once and for ever; but, if it were possible,-that the country should be spared those calamities to which such an inquiry must give rise. He implored the House to consider how far more virtuous an act they would do, by avoiding such an investigation, rather than by showing their constancy and perseverance in steering, however successfully, through these accumulated difficulties. (hear.)

Mr. CANNING said he never rose to deliver his sentiments on a subject of so much delicacy and interest as that now before the House. He never felt himself called on to discharge a duty

so painful as the present, of which demanded from every liberal mind a greater portion of calmness, of patience, and of attention, than the question under consideration required. The occasion out of which it arose, and the circumstances that were connected with it, were of a nature as novel as they were delicate. He had listened with attention to what the learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham) had stated, with respect to the mischief that might result from the inquiry into which they were forced, and he heartily concurred in the sentiments he had uttered. He did not think it was possible to turn such an investigation to the advantage of the country or of the parties whom it concerned. The dearest interests of the country, and the character of the most illustrious personages in it, were involved in the proceeding. But, with respect to all that part of the learned gentleman's speech, in which he imputed to the ministers of the crown, any responsibility that might attach to this transac tion, he held it to be of no weight whatsoever. And, in taking up the challenge which the learned gent. threw out last night, he was prepared to say, not only that ministers did not come to the country-not only that they did not come to parliament-not only that they had not sought this occasion-not only that they deprecated it with all their hearts-but that they had interposed every possible expedient to prevent a calamity, which they would with all their power and all their means have averted. The

learned gent. would allow him to oppose, not hostilely, but to contrast with those professional feelings, which he had so much to his honour assumed to himself, feelings of as deep and forcible a nature on his own part, with reference to those illustrious persons who were the object of this inquiry. And he must declare individually for himself, that in all the discussions which had preceded the unfortunate crisis to which they had now arrived, he had looked to the whole case with as much anxiety, solicitude, and pain, as if it had arisen from a difference between the dearest friends he had, and that he was equally connected with both the parties between whom that difference had occurred. On the one side, to the sovereign whom he served he owed the duty of a privy councillor; on the other side, to the illustrious personage who was the remaining party to this discussion, he owed, and he gave, unabated esteem, regard, and affection. (hear.) And, next to the extremity which was nearest his heart-that this inquiry could be avoided-he cherished the hope that she would come out of the trial superior to the accusation. (hear.) Now he would proceed to make good the declaration with which he had set out, namely, that ministers had not sought this crisis, but that they had done every thing in their power to avert it. Let the House do them the justice to remember how often, at an early period of the session, they had borne the taunts of a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Tierney) he meant not unfairly—but

the House would recollect, that they had borné his repeated calls on them to come to a definite declaration with respect to the Queen. How often had he assailed them with a dilemma-that figure, which, though fair and effective in reasoning, was, with reference to human affairs, most fallacious. The right hon. gent. said, "either the Queen is innocent, and then she ought to be acquitted; or she is guilty, and in that case I will not vote her a shilling of the public money." How often had this argument been forced on ministers' ears; and how often, in spite of this dilemma, had they refused to enter into this discussion, feeling a strong hope that without any discussion whatever all the differences might be brought to a conclusion. The learned gentleman well knew, because he was acquainted with the policy of government, that long ago it was their determination to avoid inquiry. He well knew that every opportunity was, if possible, eagerly seized, of which they could avail themselves, to bring to a conclusion that which was called a négotiation-an expression, perhaps, of too large a character; but he might designate it as that proposition which, if agreed to, would have spared the House and the Country a painful task. He now came to an accusation, not brought forward by the learned gentleman, but which had been advanced by others in the course of what was last night discussed, and which, to do the learned gent. justice, he had answered in a considerable degree. It related to the pecuniary offer made

to her Majesty the Queen; and it was also stated in that form of dilemma, which was so captivating an argument, but which, in the affairs of the world, was generally so false. "Either," it was said, "her Majesty is innocent, and therefore she has a right to the state of Queen-or she is guilty, and then, it appears, 50,000l. of the public money were to be thrown away under this proposition." This, however, was quite fallacious. The offer trrenched not on the authority of parliament, but would of course be subject to the control of that House hereafter, as other grants were. Now he could show the right honourable gentleman, that not only was the sum of 50,000l. not too little on the one haud, or too extravagant on the other; but that it was the precise sum which, if any provision were offered, there was the greatest reason in the world to believe pointed at what was, in amount, the most correct and proper salary. In the first place, by the treaty of marriage by which these illustrious persons were united, a jointure of 50,000l. was stipulated for her, in case she survived the Prince of Wales, and this was ratified by the act of settlement. But again, in the year 1814, when, after a long discussion in that House, her Majesty's provision was settled, preparatory to her leaving the country, what was proposed at that period? The House proposed 50,000l. a-year, thereby recognizing the former act of settlement, and the amount of jointure that had been stipulated as the proper