MR. FOX'S SPEECH,

IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, ON A MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION, MARCH THE 24TH, 1795.

INQUIRIES into the state of the nation by specifick motions, are, we believe, peculiar to the British senate. The practice, however, is perfectly congenial with the spirit of popular government; and if not employed as an instrument of faction, may sometimes be resorted to with decisive utility. By it, perhaps, more than any other mode of parliamentary proceeding, the real condition of a country is exposed to publick view, and that sort of information elicited which conduces to a just appreciation of the measures of a ministry. While in opposition, Mr. Fox delighted to indulge in these discussions. From the number and variety of topicks necessarily embraced by so extensive a range, they were well adapted to display the copiousness of his political intelligence, and supplied him with the best possible occasion of venting the fulness of his invective.

The motion of inquiry, which gave rise to the following speech, was made at a period singularly auspicious for an attack on the administration. In consequence of the recent disasters of the Allies on the Continent, and the utter disappointment of the sanguine expectations of success previously encouraged, the nation were sunk into the gloom of despondency, and the sourness of disgust. But, though supported by these intrinsick advantages, and by all the energy

of Mr. Fox's eloquence, the motion was suppressed by a considerable majority, which clung to the minister with unabated confidence.

This speech is a very superiour production. We have seen specimens of eloquence more carefully polished, more embellished by the ornaments of taste, and more resplendent with gorgeousness of imagery, but rarely one that claimed more fervor of declamation, more dexterity of argument, more amplification of knowledge, or a more striking exhibition of intellectual capacity.

MR. SPEAKER,

SPEECH, &c.

IN pursuance of the notice I gave on a former day, I now rise to make a motion, that this house do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the state of the nation. Such a motion has been often made in this house, and, I believe, it has been seldom unsuccessful. I admit some grounds ought always on such an occasion to be laid before the house; and unless some matter is brought forward to induce you to take such a step, unless the state and circumstances of the country call on you to enter on this inquiry, I do not expect they will agree to my motion.

If, in the course of what I shall have to state there may be many things in which I shall not have the good fortune to have the concurrence of the whole house, I am confident I shall be able to state one thing, on which there will not be one dissentient voice. In whatever light men may consider the present state of Europe, however much they may differ about the mode of conducting the present war, in whatever way they may view the situation of the publick mind in every part of the civilized world; whatever may be their sentiments on these different topicks, they will all agree in one conclusion with respect to this country, namely, that this is a time of all others,

in which it is most material and most important, what indeed is always material and important, that this house should stand high in the opinion of its constituents, and that it should be entitled to their confidence and respect, by showing that it is really concerned for their dearest and most valuable interests. If I had nothing else to state on this business, I should think all those who are impressed with that opinion, and, who seriously observing the critical situation of mankind, are convinced that the practical importance of this house depends on its being respected by its constituents abroad, would, without any additional argument, be disposed to admit, that in order to entitle us to that respect, which we all wish to possess, which it is our duty to maintain, but which we cannot hope to enjoy unless we deserve it, it is incumbent on this house to enter into a detailed and serious examinationi of the state of the nation. No man will deny, that the dangers that surround the country in the present crisis are many and alarming; and therefore it must follow, that the house of commons cannot be said to do its duty, to do it faithfully and conscientiously, if, in a time of the greatest and most imminent danger, it gives blind and implicit confidence to any executive government, without grounding that confidence on a thorough, serious, complete, and detailed investigation of the past.

I stated that this motion has been made at different times, in the history of this country, to which it is necessary to advert. I myself had the honour of making a similar motion in this house, in the year 1777, a time most undoubtedly of great peril and danger. But whoever looks back to the events of that period, and takes into the account even the most unfortunate of them, the surrender of an army at Saratoga, calamitous as they were, there is no man who looks back to that period and compares it with this, who will not see that the dangers which then threatened this nation were trifling and insignificant, that the losses then sustained were of no consequence when compared to those we have suffered at this

moment; and the contrast will be still greater when we compare the consequences of the dangers and disasters of that period, with the effects of those recent misfortunes which now affect every part of the British empire. In the year 1777, however, I thought it necessary to state the grounds which then occurred to me for going into a consideration of the state of the nation. And although the majority of the house, with whom I had not the good fortune to concur, ultimately negatived the different questions which were brought forward, they thought the crisis to be such, that it was not becoming the dignity or consistent with the character of the house of commons, at such an awful and momentous period, to decline the proposed inquiry into the state of the nation. For momentous and awful it undoubtedly was, and must always be so considered in itself, though it wears an aspect totally different when compared with the moment at which I am now speaking.

Sir, there are many in this house who think that disaffection to the constitution of the country has spread much wider among his majesty's subjects than I believe it has. Many have been more afraid of the progress of new and French principles than I have been, because they have thought them much more considerable in their influence than I have been able to persuade myself they really are. At the same time I will not deceive the house nor myself so far as not to admit, that, if there has been any danger from the progress of French principles and French opinions, the late events have not a little tended to heighten and increase that danger. And not merely all the events abroad but all the measures which have been adopted at home have more particularly contributed to render the prospect imminent and alarming.

I am one of those who think, not only that a majority of the people (for that would ill express my opinion) but that the great and almost unanimous body of the nation, are full of loyalty to his majesty, and of affection to the constitution of the country. I am, however, also of opinion, that there are some

now, as there have been at all times, who are actuated by different sentiments and different views. I am very much afraid such men have been encouraged to a certain degree by the progress of the French arms on the continent, though in a much higher degree by the conduct of ministers at home. The consequence has certainly been, that these principles and opinions have rather gained than lost credit, in this country; and this danger, which is daily and hourly increasing, has arisen not from plots and conspiracies, the existence of which I have never thought well proved, but from a general opinion that the house of commons are not the representatives of the people of England; by which I do not mean that they are not returned by the people, but that they are not even virtually their representatives; that they do not sincerely feel for the calamities of the people of England; and that they do not take that lively concern in their comfort and happiness which their situation calls on them to participate. If such an opinion has gone forth, and if there is too much reason to suspect that it has made a considerable impression on the publick mind, what argument can be so strong in support of such an opinion as to afford those who have adopted it an opportunity to say, can you believe that the constitution of Great Britain is what you have been taught to esteem, and that the house of commons is what you boast it to be, when at a time of the most critical importance, of the most alarming danger, and when the conduct of the executive government, whether culpable or laudable, has been attended with the greatest calamities, the house of commons can sit still without inquiry, without even knowing the state of the country, and without calling to an account (I do not mean for punishment) the executive government, for the most marked failure of measures that ever happened to any executive goverment at any period of our history? I say, this argument is of great weight. If it should appear, at a moment when the opinion of the country seems to be materially changed; if at a period when many are for negotia.