EXPLANATION OF PLATES VII. AND VIII.

PLATE VII.

Fig. 1. Dorsal view of the crop and stomach of an adult Opisthocomus cristatus, natural size. The tract from the crop to the gizzard has been opened to show its internal structure.

2. Ventral view of the crop, after an opening has been cut into its walls, half natural size.

3a. Ventral view of two nestlings after removal of the skin, two-thirds natural size. Fig. 36 shows the crop, short keel, stomach, right lobe of liver, and duodenum.

PLATE VIII.

4. Ventral view of an embryo of the last week of incubation, after removal of the skin, natural size. To show the formation of the crop, distance of the latter from the comparatively long sternal crest, and the meeting of the two pectoral muscles.

5. Ventral view of the crop of an embryo of about five to six days of incubation, showing its position still within the interclavicular spaces, the length of the sternal crest, and the position of the heart (H), two-thirds natural size.

6. Ventral view of the heart of the same embryo, for comparison of its shape with that of the nestling, two-thirds natural size.

7. Ventral view of the heart of the nestling of fig. 3a, natural size.

8. Side view of part of the skeleton of an adult Opisthocomus cristatus, three-eighths natural size.

9. Side view of the sternum and shoulder girdle of an adult Meleagris mexicana, one-fourth natural size.

10. Side view of the sternum and shoulder girdle of an adult Goura coronata, one-fourth natural size.

Figs. 3, 8, 9, and 10 were drawn from photographs.

XI.

ON SOME RECENTLY DISCOVERED FRAGMENTS OF AN

OLD LATIN VERSION OF HOLY SCRIPTURE.

J. H. BERNARD, B.D., F.T.C.D.

[Read JANUARY 11, 1892.]

BY REV.

In the year 1883 Signor G. F. Gamurrini, the librarian of a laybrotherhood established at Arezzo, in Tuscany, found among the books entrusted to his care a Latin MS. of considerable interest. Gamurrini published an account of his discovery in Studi e Documenti di Storia e Diritto (1884), and in 1887 issued a volume containing the text of the MS., with introduction, fac-similes, and notes. The MS. is said to be written in an eleventh-century hand, and its discoverer considers it tolerably certain that it was the work of a monk at Monte Casino. It is mutilated at the beginning and end, and many pages are missing in various parts; but it contains a portion of the lost treatise De Mysteriis by S. Hilary of Poitiers and two hitherto unknown hymns by that bishop, together with the account of a journey to the Holy Land made by a female pilgrim.

The Peregrinatio has excited more interest than the treatise by S. Hilary. Gamurrini issued a second edition in 1888. It was published by the Russian Palestine Society in 1889, and has also been edited in this country by myself for the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, with a translation and notes (1891). It is sufficient here to state simply that it contains a picturesque and vivid account of a pilgrimage to the East made by a noble lady of Gaul between the years 379 and 388 A.D. This date may be regarded as quite certain from the internal evidence of the narrative. The name of the lady is doubtful, and will probably always remain so; but Gamurrini has made out a plausible case for identifying the adventurous traveller with S. Silvia of Aquitania (a sister of Rufinus, who was Prefect of the East under Theodosius the Great), of whose journey from Jerusalem

Her

to Egypt there is a notice in the Historia Lausiaca of Palladius. For my present purpose, however, the name is of no importance; but the date and nationality of the pilgrim are to be remembered. account was written before the year 388, and she came from Gaul, probably from Aquitania.

The treatise ascribed to S. Hilary in the MS. is one with the name of which we are acquainted from the information supplied by Jerome, who speaks (De Script. Eccles. in Hilario) of "Liber Hymnorum et Mysteriorum alius." And there is no doubt that we have in the MS. discovered by Gamurrini this lost treatise preserved for us. It is a work on the allegorical and mystical significance of the lives and sayings of Old Testament characters. Hilary was a follower of Origen in his methods of exegesis, as we know from his Commentaries on S. Matthew and on the Psalms; and the treatise before us is very similar in style to these, which are among his best known and most characteristic works. The two alphabetical hymns which follow the Tractatus de Mysteriis are apparently from the Liber Hymnorum, spoken of by Jerome. From the nature of this book On Mysteries, it is plain that a good deal will turn on exact verbal citation of Scripture; an author who finds a deep spiritual meaning in every word is not likely to quote carelessly or at random. And hence the large number of passages from Scripture cited by Hilary afford valuable evidence as to the text of the Latin Version of the Bible which he habitually read. He died in 368 A.D., before S. Jerome's labours on the Vulgate had been accomplished; and thus the version used by him was, as is well known, one of those described by scholars as an "Old Latin " version.

Much yet remains to be done before it can be said that we have materials for generalizing as to the number and specific character of these pre-Hieronymian Versions of Scripture. Sabatier's monumental work (Biblior. Sacr. Versio Latina Antiqua, 1751) still remains the standard source of information on the subject; but Sabatier does not distinguish from each other the different types of text. He speaks of a versio antiqua; whereas it is more than probable that there were several versiones antiquæ current in different parts of Christendom before they were superseded by Jerome's labours.

Vercellone (Varia Lectiones Vulg. Lat. Bibliorium, 1860-4) added to the materials amassed by Sabatier, and fragments of the Old Testament are being gradually gathered from different quarters to enrich the all too scanty store. A large portion of the Pentateuch is extant in a Lyons MS., edited by M. Ulysse Robert (Versio Lugdu

nensis); and Bishop Wordsworth's well-known labours in the field of Old Latin Biblical Texts will, it may be hoped, enable him to formulate some general conclusions on this perplexing literary problem. Meanwhile, any additional facts are valuable, and I have collected in this paper the citations from Scripture that occur in the newly-discovered work of Hilary and in the Peregrinatio, which are both pre-Hieronymian. I have kept these distinct, though they probably represent the same ancient version. I have printed, in parallel columns, Sabatier's text as a kind of standard of comparison; and I have added the renderings of the Codex Lugdunensis of the Pentateuch, and the Codex Usserianus of the Gospels, wherever they are available and of interest.

Mr. F. C. Conybeare, in the Expositor for July and August, 1891, called attention to the fact that in the old Latin version of part of the Quastiones in Genesin of Philo, fragments of a pre-Hieronymian text of Genesis were embedded. He noted that these presented affinities to the Lyons MS.; and it will be seen, I believe, that, as we might expect, they also agree fairly well with Hilary's version.

If any doubt is felt as to whether Hilary in these citations is not translating for himself direct from the Greek, rather than using an existing Latin version, it will be dispelled at once by considering the close parallels to the readings of the Codex Lugdunensis, which are here preserved. And the similarity of the citations in Nos. 44-47 to those of the same passages which may be instanced from other writings of Hilary affords a guarantee that he is not quoting at random. On the whole, these fragments considerably strengthen the evidence for a distinct Gallican recension of the Latin Bible.

I have added a few simple critical notes, but am not prepared to venture on any generalizations. I may say, however, that I do not find such a correspondence between Lucian's recension of the Septuagint (as printed by Lagarde, Göttingen, 1883), and this Gallican version of the Latin Bible, as Vercellone observed between Lucian's text and the O. L. Versions generally. See Nos. 7, 12 (bis), 13, 14, 15 [?], 55, in all of which cases the Gallican recension agrees with Cod. Alexandrinus (A) (as regards order of words, &c.), against Lucian's Greek text. No. 28 (bis) is the only case among these fragments where I notice that Hilary's old Latin favours Lucian against A. The slavish literalness of these ancient Latin translations makes this a more reliable inference as to the Greek text followed than might appear at first sight; but of course the number of instances examined is far too small to admit of any sound generalization.

In a few cases (Nos. 14, 19, 56, 57) verses are here printed, the O. L. version of which was not previously known; and in other cases (7, 9, 53, 55) passages hitherto known only in part are completed.

The numbers in square brackets following the citations refer to the folios of the original MS. as numbered by Gamurrini.

S. HILARY.

1. GEN. ii. 23:

Hoc nunc os de ossibus meis et caro de carne mea. haec uocabitur mulier, quia de uiro suo sumpta est, et eritis duo in carne una [p. 2].

UERSIO ANTIQUA.

Hoc nunc os de ossibus meis et caro de carne mea: haec uocabitur mulier, quoniam ex uiro suo sumpta est, . . . et erunt duo in carne una.

Vercellone, referring to the version given by Sabatier, as compared with the Vulgate, which has uirago, remarks:-Angelomus dicit in quibusdam codicibus invenitur mulier. Nimirum ita legebatur in Itala, quamquam haud desunt prisci auctores apud Sabatierium cum Vulgato facientes.'

2. GEN. iv. 7:

Nonne si recte offeras, recte tu non dividas, peccasti? [p. 6].

Nonne si recte offeras, recte autem non dividas, peccasti?

Autem is faithful to the Greek; tu is probably a copyist's blunder.

3. GEN. iv. 23, 24:

Dixit autem Lamech mulieribus suis, Adae et Sellae: Audite uocem meam mulieres Lamech, intuemini uerba mea; quoniam uirum occidi in uulnere mihi; et iuuenem in liuore meo. quoniam septies uindicatum est de Cayn, de Lamech autem septuagies septies [p. 6].

Audite uerba mea uxores Lamech, auribus percipite uerba mea: quia uirum occidi in uulnus meum, et iuuenem in liuorem meum, quoniam septies uindicabitur de Cain, de Lamech autem septuagies septies.

Hilary's version here follows the Greek more closely than that printed by Sabatier from Jerome. But Jerome, in another citation of the same passage, reads in uulnere meo . . . in liuore meo with Hilary.

The insertion of manuum nostrarum accords with the Greek.