Hempholme and Northstead, is bestowed on one of the applicants. China, RELATIONS WITH, cannot be said to have existed much earlier than the beginning of the seventeenth century, though there was, no doubt, indirect intercourse at a much earlier date between English merchants and "Cathay." For instance, the Florentine house of Bardi, which had extensive monetary dealings with Edward III., had also a considerable trade with China. The first attempts of the East India Company to establish a commercial station at Canton, in 1637, were unsuccessful, as were others made in 1668, but in 1670 a trade was opened with Formosa, and a treaty concluded. Ten years later, a factory was established at Canton, After the accession of the Manchoo or Tartar dynasty, however (1679), a hostile policy, caused, perhaps, by the misconduct of the Portuguese, was adopted towards foreign traders. Trade, which had spread to several ports, was confined to Canton, and was there conducted with difficulty, owing to the dishonesty of the Hong merchants and the extortions of the mandarins. This unsatisfactory state of affairs, varied by quarrels between the East India Company, the French, and Portuguese, continued down to 1792, when Lord Macartney was sent as the first English ambassador to the court of Pekin, but he was unable to effect the removal of the restrictions on trade, and Lord Amherst, who was despatched thither in 1816, was dismissed for refusing to perform the "kowtow," or prostration, before the emperor. In 1834, when the monopoly of the East India Company expired, it was determined to send out a trade commissioner to the port of Canton. Lord Napier was the first, but he soon gave way beneath the anxieties of his position. Soon afterwards the Chinese authorities began to protest against the introduction of opium by English traders, an import forbidden by law. The irritation grew, until, in 1839, the Chinese authorities insisted on the confiscation of a large quantity of the drug, which they burnt. This proceeding Captain Elliott, the Commissioner of Trade, seems to have considered as a declaration of war. With the arrival of the fleet from India in the following year, the First Chinese War (April, 1839-March, 1841) began. The island of Chusan was promptly taken, and the capital threatened. The Chinese thereupon sued for peace, but negotiations were broken off, and Hong Kong and Amoy fell, and Nanking was menaced. Thereupon hostilities were again suspended, and in 1842 Sir Henry Pottinger concluded a treaty by which the Chinese agreed to throw open five additional ports to European trade and pay an indemnity of some four and a half millions sterling, together with a million and a quarter as compensation for the destroyed opium, which sum the English merchants declared to be below their loss. The relations between England and China continued to be fairly pacific until 1855, when the seizure of the lorcha (or cutter), Arrow, by the Chinese authorities, on the charge of piracy, was the cause of the Second Chinese War (Oct., 1855-May, 1858). The vessel was undoubtedly of a suspicious character, but she had obtained a British registration, and in consequence Sir John Bowring demanded the surrender of the captured men, which was done, but all apology was refused by Yeh, the governor of Canton. Thereupon the town was bombarded and taken by the English, the Taku forts fell in 1858, and the English commissioner, Lord Elgin, concluded a treaty at Tientsin by which transit-dues were considerably reduced, and an indemnity of four millions agreed upon. In 1859, however, the English minister, Sir F. Bruce, was fired upon from the Taku forts while sailing up the river to carry out the ratification of the treaty at Peking. Lord Elgin was promptly sent out, together with a force under Sir Hope Grant, who was assisted by the French. The Taku forts fell, and the emperor, in order to save Peking, agreed to the ratification of the Treaty of Tientsin. Shortly afterwards Major Charles Gordon entered the Chinese service, and aided the government in crushing the Tai-ping rebels. Once more (1875) the relations with England became strained, partly owing to the murder of Mr. Margary on the Chinese frontier, and partly to the refusal of the government to publish the treaties by which the British were empowered to establish a trade route from China to Burmah. At one time war seemed imminent, but it was averted by the firmness and tact of Sir Thomas Wade, who, in the following year, by the Chefoo Convention, established the rights of foreigners to travel and protection. The question of the opium traffic-to the importation of which the authorities are opposed, though the plant is cultivated to a large extent in 'the interior of the countrystill remained unsettled. Sir John Davis, China; Prof. Douglas, China; Chivalry. This word, which variously meant "horsemanship," "knighthood," "a fully-armed array of horsemen or knights," "the knightly ideal of conduct," and other things akin to these, in its widest application embraced the whole brotherhood of trained, approved, and dedicated men of the sword, who had undertaken with elaborate and solemn ceremony to do their fighting in a peculiar spirit, on principles and with aims of a special character, as well as the whole body of laws and usages that these select warriors were bound to observe. Defined by a friendly historian, it was "a fraternal association, or rather an enthusiastic compact between men of feeling and courage, of delicacy and devotion," who had chosen the profession of arms and fitted themselves for it by a long and severe apprenticeship. It was an institution in which each faithful member was animated by a sentiment of conscious dignity, and regulated his life in conformity with a code of military ethics that raised a naturally demoralising occupation into a chastening discipline and ennobling pursuit. It owed to feudalism the conditions which enabled it to play its part; but it was no essential feature or direct offspring of feudalism; it was rather a corrective of the ferocity and injustice that make the chief reproach of feudal institutions. The times of its beginning and ending, and its origin, are still controverted points among historians. But we cannot be far astray in limiting its flourishing period as an efficient and earnest motive and rule of action to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, though its spirit and forms can be traced much earlier, and, in show at least, are perceptible much later. Mr. Freeman sees the dawn of English chivalry in William Rufus's making a certain line of conduct "a point of honour;" and the French wars of Edward III. display the glitter and affectations, the serious mockeries, that outlived the decay of real chivalry. As to its origin, some find it in the Crusades, some in the necessity of confronting the evils that harassed France in the eleventh century by "a consecration of the arms of the strong;" and some in the slow rise to ascendency of certain ideas and customsone or two as old as the days of the Germania amid the anarchy that followed the death of Charlemagne. This last seems the safest conclusion: the ceremonial with which a young German warrior assumed arms; the duty of serving on horseback laid on certain landholders in later times; and the personal attachment to a superior obligatory on an aspirant to a military career, needed but the glow of religious feeling and the sense of individual honour as the master-motive of action, to complete the chivalrous character. For the grand creation and central figure of chivalry was the knight; and it is the union in him of religious fervour and sense of duty, with a recognition of honourable obligation, devotion to all women and constancy to one, and a horror of doing anything unworthy of a true knight, that is the very essence of the chivalric idea. Yet chivalry owed to the Crusades its summons into energetic life; in Milman's words, "all the noble sentiments which, blended together, are chivalry-the high sense of honour, the disdain of danger, the love of adventure, compassion for the weak or the oppressed, generosity, self-sacrifice, self-devotion for others-found in the Crusades their animating principle, perpetual occasion for their 66 amplest exercise, their perfection, and consummation." As the unit of chivalry was the knight, or chevalier, care was therefore taken to make and keep knighthood select. In most places, though not in all, gentle birth was a necessary qualification; from his seventh to his fourteenth year the aspirant must serve in some noble or knightly household as page or varlet; he had then to choose, from among the well-born ladies of the society he lived in, some one as a special object of loyal devotion, and was allowed to receive at the altar from the hands of the priest the consecrated sword that proved him an esquire. His manifold duties as an esquire had as their general drift to make him perfect in the virtues and accomplishments of a knightly character. Having 'borne him well" in his long and trying noviciate, he "ordained" a knight with a most impressive ritual. After being bathed, and clothed in. symbolic garments, he fasted for twenty-four hours, watched the arms he was to wear for a whole night in a church, confessed, communicated, had the sword that hung from his neck blessed by the priest, was armed by ladies or knights, and from one of the latter received the accolade. His most imperative obligations, taken on oath, were: to serve God and his prince; to uphold the weak; to be true to his word; to despise gain; to love honour; to persist to the end in any adventure he undertook; to reverence purity in women; to be faithful, courteous, and humble; and to protect maidens from danger and insult. was Chivalry had its absurd side: in its name men now and then played very fantastic tricks. Single combats, tournaments, jousts, the splendid frivolities dear to an age of empty show, were its outcome. But its nobler gifts to mankind far outweigh these ; from it sprang the Knights Hospitaller and the Teutonic Order, which, along with not a little that is questionable, certainly bore excellent fruit. Above all, it set a curb on the passions of men, and thus softened the horrors of war; held up before them an elevating ideal; made active the virtues of loyalty, courtesy, respect for women, valour, justice, and veracity. Its chief bequest to mankind was the "chastity of honour which felt a stain like a wound,' "which still lives. It is significant, too, that the clearest English eye of the fourteenth century saw in the knight" who lovede chivalrie" "Trouthe and honour, fredom and curtesie." Hallam, Middle Ages, cap. ix., p. ii.; Milman, Latin Christianity, book vii., cap. vi., Freeman, Norman Conquest, vol. v., 481-9; Lacroix, Vie Militaire et Religieuse au Moyen Age; Guizot, His. toire de la Civilisation, 6th lecture of last course. [J. R.] Chivalry, THE COURT OF, was held before the Constable and the Marshal of England for the trial of military offences, and for the decision of questions relating to coat armour, personal honour, and the like. By 13 Rich. II., cap. 2, it is declared that this court has cognizance over all matters of this kind, except such as may be determined by the common law. The court has long ceased to be held; the last instance of its sitting being in 1737. Chunda Sahib (d. 1752) married the daughter of Dost Ali, deputy of the Carnatic, and became chief minister. He was made use of by Dupleix as a pretender to the throne of Arcot against the English candidate, Mahomed Ali. In alliance with Mozuffer Jung, the French candidate to the throne of Hyderabad on the death of the Nizam-ool-Moolk (1748), he overran the Carnatic, and obtained investiture from Dupleix and Mozuffer Jung. Clive's defence of Arcot and the death of Mozuffer broke the confederacy; and Chunda Sahib surrendered to Monackjee, the Tanjorine general, who was in alliance with Mahomed Ali and the English. The general took a solemn oath to convey him to a French settlement, but immediately afterwards caused him to be assassinated at the instigation of Mahomed Ali. Church of England. Christianity came to Britain in the wake of the Roman occupation, and the British Church was so far organised that it sent three bishops to the Council of Arles in 314. [CHURCH, THE CELTIC.] The English invaders were heathens, and British Christianity was swept westward before them. The conversion of the English was effected by missionaries from Rome in the south, and missionaries from Iona in the north. As the ritual of these two sets of missionaries differed in some points, different usages were found to be productive of confusion, till at the Synod of Whitby (664) the Northumbrian kingdom adopted the Roman use; and from that time England obtained ecclesiastical unity as a daughter of the Church of Rome. The work of ecclesiastical organisation was begun by Archbishop Theodore in 668, and the example of unity given by the Church was one of the chief influences to produce unity in the State. Church and State worked harmoniously together, and there were no questions to bring them into collision. The bishop sat by the side of the ealdorman in the shire court, and ecclesiastical causes were decided in the same way as others. The period of the Norman Conquest coincided with that of the ecclesiastical reforms wrought by Hildebrand on the Continent; and the influence of his ideas is apparent in the ecclesiastical policy of William I. Ecclesiastical courts were established for ecclesiastical causes, which were to be tried by canonical, not by customary, law. This change was considered necessary for the sake of a uniform system of law, to introduce more regular discipline into the Church; but consent. The it brought with it a vexatious extension of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and led to the recognition of the right of appeal to the papal court, which ultimately proved ruinous to the authority and independence of bishops. But while making this change, William I. was careful to protect himself from papal interference by laying down three rules:(1) That the Pope of Rome should not be recognised as apostolic, except at the king's command, and that letters for the Pope be first shown to the king. (2) That the resolutions of ecclesiastical synods should have no legal force till sanctioned by the king. (3) That no baron or royal servant be excommunicated, except by the king's These regulations of William I. show a feeling of distrust about the relations between Church and State which was speedily realised. Under Henry I., Archbishop Anselm raised the question of the lawfulness of lay investiture to a spiritual office. tenure of clerical lands was, by the growth of the royal power, assimilated to that of lay. The nomination of bishops, and their investiture with the emblems of their spiritual dignity, had passed into the hands of the crown. Hildebrand strove to check the growing secularisation of the Church; but the State answered, with some show of reason, that it could not allow of the existence of powerful land-holders who did not recognise the king as their lord. In England a compromise was at length made between Henry I. and the Pope. The king agreed that chapters should elect their bishops, but the election was to be made in the King's Court; he gave up the investiture with ring and crosier, but the bishops were to do homage for their temporalities. The crown retained the real appointment of bishops, and the rights of suzerainty over them, but abandoned its encroachments upon their spiritual dignity. Anselm showed that the Church was the only power which could withstand the tyranny of the crown. In like manner, Becket resisted Henry II.; and Bishop Hugh, of Lincoln, offered a constitutional resistance to the demands for money made in the name of Richard I. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Church fought the battle of the people, while it defended its own rights against the threatening power of the king. But though the Church succeeded in a measure in holding its own against the king, it was less successful against the Pope. The Pope, as judge' in all disputed cases, gained considerable power over episcopal elections, where disputes were frequent. In 1204 Pope Innocent III. rejected the contending candi-* dates for the see of Canterbury, proposed Stephen Langton, and confirmed his informal election without the king's consent. Gradually, the king and the Pope came to a sort of tacit understanding that they would share between them the appointment to bishoprics, and the result was that the powers of the chapters became more and more shadowy, till they practically died away. Papal provisions and reservations over-rode the rights of patrons, and though the Statute of Provisors (1350, 1364, 1390) was enacted and reenacted to check this abuse, the Pope and the king found their interests to coincide in keeping a tolerably close partnership in the disposition of patronage. Yet the Statute of Præmunire (16 Rich. II., c. 5, 1393), which forbade the prosecution of suits in foreign courts, gave the king a powerful weapon against the Pope, and was resented as an infringement of the papal supremacy. Papal taxation weighed heavily on the clergy, and the attempt made by Pope Boniface VIII. to exempt them from national taxation was powerless before the resolute character of Edward I. [PAPACY.] The In the fourteenth century, the results of the organisation of the Constitution by Edward I., and the steady growth of royal and papal interference with the appointment and powers of the bishops, gradually diminished the political influence of the Church, and its spiritual activity declined. teaching of Wiclif marked dissatisfaction against the Papacy, social discontent, and, in a minor degree, desire for doctrinal change. The social side of the Lollard movement was the most largely developed, and it was this especially that led to legislation against heresy. In 1401 was passed the statute De Hæretico Comburendo (2 Hen. IV., c. 15, 1401). The Church lost its hold upon the people, and became more and more dependent on the Pope and the king. There was an acknowledgment of abuses on all sides, but there was no power to work a reformation. The machinery of the Church had been ruined by papal interference. Reform was possible only at Rome; but the Popes showed no inclination to undertake it. The clergy gradually put themselves more and more under the royal protection as against the Pope, till Henry VIII., freed from any power of the baronage, and willing to serve the interests of the commons, found the Church reduced to obsequious dependence on the crown. Henry VIII. quarrelled with the Papacy about one of the few points in which the papal interference with legislation was possible without the king's consent. At length he put forth the fulness of the royal power. By suppressing the monasteries, he deprived the Church of a third of its revenues. He severed the union between the English and the Roman Churches, and compelled the reluctant clergy to recognise the king as supreme head of the Church in England. He practically deprived the Church of legislative power by requiring the royal licence for all decrees of Convocation. Henry VIII. broke with the Papacy because the Papacy was an obstacle in the way of his personal gratification; but he aimed at a reformation of ecclesiastical practice and a re-adjustment of the ecclesiastical system to the needs of England as it was. Still, the breach with Rome would have been impossible to Henry VIII. if there had not been a serious breach in the European obedience to the Papacy. New theological opinions were rapidly spreading in Germany, and had already attracted the attention of scholars in England; and Henry VIII's wish to confine his changes to mere points of ecclesiastical organisation was impossible. Yet, so long as he lived he held the balance between the old and the new learning, and checked the progress of doctrinal change. Under Edward VI. the reforming party came into power, and Archbishop Cranmer moved forward towards the German Protestants. The steps in his advance may be traced in the history of the formularies of the English Church. [ARTICLES.] But the reforming party was a minority of the nation, and its rapid changes shocked the popular mind; it owed its political support to the selfish greed of a body of courtiers, who were willing to use the Reformation as a means of enriching themselves. Hence, the reaction under Mary was greeted with delight; but it was too complete to be permanent. The Catholicism of Mary was anti-national, and the successive failures of Protestants and Catholics under Edward VI. and Mary prepared the way for the religious settlement of Elizabeth. Elizabeth reverted to the policy of her father, and strove to effect a compromise between the now hostile parties of the Catholics and Protestants. The Catholics held to the old formularies; the more advanced Protestants, who had been in exile during Mary's reign, had adopted the logical system of theology laid down by Calvin, and demanded that nothing should be adopted but what could be proved by Scripture to be true. Elizabeth favoured the opinion of the moderate Reformers, who held that nothing should be discarded but what could be shown from Scripture to be false. The Prayer Book of Edward VI. was revised, and two statutes were passed in 1559 which established the legal relations between Church and State. The Act of Supremacy required all beneficed ecclesiastics, and all laymen holding office, to take the oath of supremacy, and renounce all foreign jurisdiction. The Act of Uniformity prohibited the use by any minister of any liturgy save that contained in the Prayer Book, and imposed a fine on all who absented themselves from Church. The Liturgy and the Articles, under the direction of Archbishop Parker, were devised so as to retain much of the old uses, while purging them of much that might offend the Calvinistic party. The ideal of Elizabeth was comprehension uniformly enforced. It was impossible that such a scheme should be entirely successful; yet it so far succeeded that the national feeling of England gathered round the Church, which embraced the large majority of the people. But a considerable Catholic party stood aloof; and the excommunication of Elizabeth by the Pope in 1570, the secret visits of Jesuit missionaries, and the plots in favour of Mary Queen of Scots, occasioned a rigorous persecution of the Catholics. Similarly, the Calvinistic party, or Puritans, disliked many practices of the prescribed ritual as superstitious, and disregarded them. In 1565, Archbishop Parker issued a book of regulations, known as the "Advertisements" "(q.v.), which afterwards received the royal sanction. He attempted to enforce regularity in the conduct of services, and thereby only drove the Calvinists into more pronounced opposition. It is true that their spirit was narrow, and their opinions tended towards the establishment of the tyranny of an ecclesiastical democracy. Yet the persecution of Archbishop Whitgift was injudicious and ineffective. The High Commission Court, to which was entrusted the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the crown, grew to be a means of royal tyranny. One result of the legislation of Elizabeth was that the Church became definitely subordinate to the State; jurisdiction and legislation for the Church could only be exercised with the consent of the crown, and the rites and discipline of the Church could not be altered without the consent of Parliament. The appointment of bishops was exercised by the crown, and Elizabeth demanded that they should be crown officials, for the purpose of enforcing the ecclesiastical uniformity which she required. They became, and have to some extent still continued to be, disciplinary officers executing the law, rather than Fathers in God to their clergy. The Elizabethan bishops were not men of lofty or commanding character, and were indecorously dictated to by Elizabeth and her Council. On the death of Elizabeth there were loud demands for concessions. But James I. lectured the Puritan ministers in the Hampton Court Conference (1604), and agreed to a few insignificant alterations in the Prayer Book which reconciled no one. Archbishop Bancroft continued the persecution of the Puritans, and deprived many Puritan clergy of their benefices. The Puritan party became more and more identified with the party of constitutional opposition to the crown; and in the Church itself a party began to arise which insisted on the necessity of Episcopacy as a divine institution, and, by excluding Presbyterians from the Catholic Church, seemed to draw nearer to the Church of Rome. This party advocated the divine right of kings, and preached the doctrine of passive resistance. Under Archbishop Laud it attained to great influence, and aided Charles I. in his arbitrary and unconstitutional conduct. The result was that Puritanism in England combined with Presbyterianism in England, Charles I. lost his throne and his life, and the Church of England was abolished. But rigid Presbyterianism would have laid a heavier yoke on England than the rigid Anglicanism of Laud. Cromwell gathered round him the sects, especially the Independents, and saved England from Presbyterianism by advocating the liberty of each congregation. But the Puritan supremacy was intolerable to England, and the restoration of Charles II. brought back the Church of England, endeared to the people as a bulwark against Puritanism. There was some show of desire to meet the scruples of the Puritans, and a Conference was held in the Savoy Palace, 1661. But Dr. Sancroft, who presided, was of an unyielding temper, and the demands of the Puritans were unreasonable. Both parties separated in anger. A few changes were made in the Prayer Book-but they increased rather than diminished the objections the Puritans had to it. Then, in 1662, was passed an Act of Uniformity, which required all beneficed clergy not only to use the Prayer Book, and that only, but also to declare "unfeigned assent and consent to all and everything contained and prescribed in it." About two thousand of the clergy were ejected from their benefices for refusing to make this declaration. Charles II. was willing to grant indulgences to the Puritans, that he might also grant them to the Catholics. Parliament and the bishops regarded the maintenance of the Established Church as the only means of saving England from the dangers of complications in foreign politics which might come through Catholicism and the dangers of the tyranny of an organised minority in domestic affairs. The royal indulgence was opposed, and Acts against Nonconformity rapidly succeeded one another; the Corporation Act, the Conventicle Act, the Five Mile Act, the Test Act, and the Act for disabling Papists from sitting in either House of Parliament, were all passed between 1661 and 1679. In 1664 an important change was made in the relations between Church and State. Hitherto the clergy had taxed themselves in Convocation, but it was found that they consequently were taxed more heavily than the laity. In 1664 it was quietly agreed that the clergy should be taxed in the same manner as the laity by Parliament. Though Convocation had lost its power of making canons without the king's consent, it still could petition for redress of grievances before granting supplies. Now that it ceased to grant supplies, its proceedings became merely formal, and after giving occasion to a theo logical controversy in 1717, it was not again summoned for business till 1861, when it was revived. [CONVOCATION.] The policy of Charles II. seemed to favour the Catholics, and popular suspicion led to a |