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this in the strenuous endeavours of the Whigs to enlist it on their side.

Such lines as

Since Hanover is come,

In spite of France and Rome,

And the Tories have met with their matches,

Full loyally they sing

To the coming of their King,

And keep up their courage with catches.
But let them have their song,

It can't be very long

Ere the name will be lost in the nation;
For they've nothing but a tune
To support the tenth of June

And the hopes of a Restoration.

were frequently set to the well-known music.

LESLEY'S MARCH TO SCOTLAND.

March! march! pinks of election,

Why the devil don't you march onward in order?
March! march! dogs of redemption,

Ere the blue bonnets come over the border.

You shall preach, you shall pray,

You shall teach night and day,

You shall prevail o'er the church gone a-whoring.

Dance in blood to the knees,

Blood of God's enemies.

The daughters of Scotland shall sing to you snoring.

Another version, known as 'Lesley's March to Longmarston Moor,' is also set to this tune, that is well known to have been a favourite march of the Whig army, and one to which the troopers always entered or left every town on their route. The hero of both songs is the celebrated David Lesley, who commanded a division of the Whig army, and who contributed so materially to the victory of Marston Moor when the Earl of Leven, the commander, fled. His cruelties in Scotland after the victory over Montrose, and some other successes, must have provoked some of the Cavaliers to compose these verses in mockery of him and his army of furious zealots. James Hogg, in his Jacobite Relics,' says of the 'March to Scotland,' 'It is the most perfect thing of the kind to be found in that or any other age, and, wild as some of the expressions are, must be viewed as a great curiosity.' It is the very essence of sarcasm and derision, and possesses an unparalleled amount of spirit and energy. David Lesley, the leader of this host of blessed ragamuffins,' was a brave officer, but one who made a pretence of zeal for religion a cloak for the most brutal acts of barbarity and dishonour. Tradition preserves a rhyme respecting him and the principal officers associated with him:

Bishop Guthrie's memoirs give an instance of the righteous tyranny he practised towards the noblemen and gentlemen of the king's party that fell into his hands. In the course of one year, upwards of twenty of them were hanged. At the execution of three of them, in Lesley's presence, at Glasgow, the Rev. David Dixon exclaimed in ecstasy, 'Oh, but the gude work gangs bonnily on!' On

9 One of the ablest officers of his time, afterwards infamous in Scotland as the minister of Charles the Second in 1662, when episcopacy was established.

10 Ross, a celebrated captain of horse, in the service of the Parliament (1650), who distinguished himself so much at the battle of Kerbester, where Montrose was taken, that he received the thanks of that body and a pecuniary gratuity. Augustine, by birth a High-German, entertained a sentiment of regard for Scotland almost amounting to patriotism.

Charles's restoration to all his kingdoms, David Lesley was made a peer by the title of Lord Newark, although, as his father, a bitter Cavalier, half jocularly told him, with regard to his former proceedings as the Parliamentary leader, 'he should rather have been hangit for his auld wark.’

'Here's a health to them that's awa'' has always been a popular song in Scotland, probable due to the fact of Allan Ramsay's having altered it into a love-song for the sake of preserving the old chorus, as to have published any of the war-songs of that day was to run the risk of imminent danger to life and limb. Any collection of Jacobite songs, however small it might be, can scarcely be complete without some mention of the immortal love-song of the gallant Montrose, which, though perhaps too individual to be classed as anything so general as a war-song, was yet a solace to many a trooper, who, in his lonely rides or solitary watches, trolled out, thinking of an absent love—

I'll make thee glorious by my sword.

Music has many functions; as Pope says:

By music, minds an equal temper know,

Nor swell too high, nor sink too low;

Warriors she fires with animated sounds,

Pours balm into the bleeding lover's wounds.

And the war-song, from an historical point of view, is the beginning of the poetry and the music of every nation. The warrior made the nation; fame made the warrior; the poet shaped his fame; and the singer immortalised it.

LAURA ALEXANDRINE SMITH.

OLD COUNTRY HOUSES.

ANALOGIES are not arguments, and metaphors must not be mistaken for facts. But they are useful for illustration, and may often suggest a new line of inquiry to those who desire to know the idea and the law, as Bacon and Coleridge call them,1 of the facts under consideration. Such analogies and metaphors are those which we employ when we speak of the growth of the British Constitution, and seem to think of it as a great oak, of immeasurable age, yet still putting out new roots, branches, and leaves, year by year: or when, with Shakespeare's John of Gaunt, we picture it to ourselves as a royal palace and fortress, built by Nature for herself,' and dwelt in, age after age, by a race

'Feared by their breed, and famous by their birth,'

who are ever enlarging their abode, and adapting it to their new wants. For it has not been, and is not now, made by the statesmen, however wise and skilful, who carry on the legislation and administration of the country, generation after generation. They hardly know, and in no manner create by their Acts of Parliament, those laws under which the British Constitution has been, and continues to be, evolved from its first beginnings. Yet trained as they have been in the political traditions of the nation, and possessing a political wisdom and experience not merely their own, but the accumulated wisdom and experience of many generations, statesmen obey, though they do not make, the law, conservative or progressive, under which our political evolution goes on. They make some prudent and judicious enactment to meet an exigency of the day, and in so doing they unconsciously lay the foundations of great constitutional changes which will show results in an unknown future. They are but the agents: no wit or will of even the ablest statesman does more than slightly, and for a moment, modify the onward movement of the irresistible laws of political evolution.

Some such far-spreading development of the Constitution may one

1 Coleridge sums up (Church and State, chap. i.) Bacon's doctrine tersely in the words, Quod in natura naturata lex, in natura naturante idea, dicitur;' only Bacon might have preferred 'mens divina' to 'natura naturans.'

day show itself as the outcome of Lord Cairns's Settled Lands Act, passed in 1882 with little discussion as an expedient to meet the difficulties of the holders of what are popularly, though not quite accurately, called entailed estates, in a time of agricultural depression.

Leaving to the political philosopher the not uninteresting speculation as to what new forms of political and social life may come of this change in our land laws, I would here say something of the historical significance, past and present, of one clause of that Act, which relates to the sale of the family mansion.' The Act does not absolutely forbid such sale; but while it allows the tenant for life, or actual holder of the estate, to sell the rest of the estate as he pleases, it interposes in certain cases a suspension and delay of the exercise of the power of sale, so far as regards the family mansion. When not only our rootand-branch reformers of the land laws, but even calm and judicious lawyers, advocate the repeal of this restriction, and the permission of full liberty of sale— no leisure bated,

No, not to stay the grinding of the axe

when all opinion runs in this direction, there is no probability that the mansion house will not follow the lot of the land, whatever that may be. I am not about to argue or protest against this. It is inevitable. I do not know that it will bring more old family houses into the market than have come into it heretofore, nor that if it does so the result to the nation will not have more good than harm in it. I only say that the existence of the family mansion or old country house, so long as it does exist, touches, in a not unimportant way, the historical sentiment and the historical conscience of the Englishman, to whom the history of his nation is a precious inheritance.

What does the sale of the family house mean? It means the break-up of the old family, and its removal from a place which shall know it no more for ever, but where it shall be succeeded by new men with-it may be hoped-new aspirations, new energies, and new means, for replacing those who, or whose powers of life, have died out, or been transferred to other realms. The public gain is no doubt for the most part considerable, but to two or three persons the loss is sad. There is something pathetic in the lifelong resolve of Warren Hastings, with his cold hard love of naked power apart from all its trappings, to buy back the home of his fathers: and I can recall instances within my own knowledge of young men whose career has been brightened by the thought of saving or redeeming the family. house and lands. And though it were a foolish and idle sentiment to desire to preserve dead forms from which the spirit has passed away, it is not the less true that family houses, so long as the family feeling abides in them, do play a not quite unimportant part in the diversified growth and expansion of our national life.