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Reproduced from a copy in possession of Judge Daniel Fish of an Original Photograph taken in 1860, and owned by Mrs. Cyrus Aldrich.

ADDRESS AT COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK, February 27, 1860.1

M

R. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITI-
ZENS OF NEW YORK: The facts with

which I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the inferences and observations following that presentation. In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the "New-York Times," Senator Douglas said:

'Originally Lincoln had been invited to lecture in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, but financial or other difficulties arose and the engagement was taken over by "The Young Men's Central Republican Union" of New York City, which had determined upon a series of political addresses. It was not until he reached New York that Lincoln became fully aware of the change. The audience he faced in Cooper Institute was made up of the culture and wealth of the great metropolis. Horace Greeley and David Dudley Field escorted Lincoln to the platform and William Cullen Bryant introduced him. The speech he delivered is now acknowledged one of the greatest efforts of his life, and won instant recognition for him in the East. It is supposed to have been largely instrumental in securing his nomination for the Presidency.

Our fathers, when they framed the government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now.

I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding those fathers had of the question mentioned?

What is the frame of government under which we live? The answer must be, "The Constitution of the United States." That Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787, and under which the present government first went into operation, and twelve subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789.

Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the "thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present government. It is almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that time. Their names, being familiar to nearly all,

and accessible to quite all, need not now be repeated.

I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being "our fathers who framed the government under which we live." What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers understood "just as well, and even better, than we do now"?

It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as to slavery in our Federal Territories?

Upon this, Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue; and this issue -this question-is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood "better than we." Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, ever acted upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it-how they expressed that better understanding. In 1784, three years before the Constitution, the United States then owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other, the Congress of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that Territory; and four of the "thirty-nine" who afterward framed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on that question. Of these, Roger Sherman,

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