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and take away from them the means of that direct onset, by which the sanguine in both hosts imagine they might at once achieve a decisive victory. If there were indeed no belligerents, it is plain enough that there could be no neutrals and no mediators. If there was no natural war between Democracy and Monarchy, no true ground of discord between Tories and Radical Reformers—we admit there would be no vocation for Whigs: for the true definition of that party, as matters now stand in England, is, that it is a middle party, between the two extremesof high monarchical principles on the one hand, and extremely popular principles on the other. It holds no peculiar opinions, that we are aware of, on any other points of policy,—and no man of common sense can doubt, and no man of common candour deny, that it diners from each of the other parties on the very grounds on which they differ from each other,—the only distinction being that it (Joes not differ so widely.

Can any thing be so preposterous as a pretended truce between two belligerents, in order that they may fall jointly upon those who are substantially neutral f—a dallying and coquetting with mortal enemies, for the purpose of gaining a supposed advantage over those who are to a great extent friends? Yet this is the course that has recently been followed, and seems still to be pursued. It is now some time since the thorough Reformers began to make awkward love to the Royalists, by pretending to bewail the obscuration which the Throne had suffered from the usurpations of Parliamentary influence,—the curtailment of the Prerogative by a junto of ignoble boroughmongers,— and the thraldom in which the Sovereign was held by those who were truly his creatures. Since that time, the more prevailing tone has been, to sneer at the Whig aristocracy, and to declaim, with all the bitterness of real fear and affected contempt, on the practical insignificance of men of fortune and talents, who are neither Loyal nor Popular—and. at the same time, to lose no opportunity of complimenting the Tory possessors of power, for every act of liberality, which had been really forced upon them by those very Whigs whom they refuse to acknowledge as even co-operating in the cause! The high Tory or Court party have, in substance, played the same game. They have not indeed affected, so barefacedly, an entire sympathy, or very tender regard for their radical allies: but they have acted on the same principle. They have echoed and adopted the absurd fiction of the unpopularity of the Whigs,—and, speaking with affected indulgence of the excesses into which a generous love of liberty may occasionally hurry the ignorant and unthinking, have reserved all their severity, unfairness, and intolerance, for the more moderate opponents with whose reasonings they rind it more difficult to cope, and whose motives and true position in the country, they are therefore so eager to misrepresent.

Now, though all this may be natural enough in exasperated disputants, who are apt to wreak their vengeance on whatever is most

within their reach, it is not the less ni fair ar! unworthy in itself, nor the less shoiuthi-l and ungrateful in the parties who aie<:uihy of it. For we do not hesitate to say, tU:.: is substantially to this calumniated anil mutually reviled Whig party, or to those wboi'.-i on its principles, that the country is truly xdebted for its peace and its constitution,—aid one at least, if not both of the extreme parties, for their very existence! If there were no such middle body, who saw faults ÍlÚ merits in both, and could not conseut to ibe unqualified triumph or unqualified eiiirpaiiua of either—if the whole population o¡ :Íh country was composed of intolerant Tori« and fiery reformers,—of such spirits, in storto bring the matter to a plain practical baling, as the two hostile parties have actuiiv chosen, and now support as their leaden acd spokesmen, does any man imagine that .u peace or its constitution could be maii;tak,cU for a single year? On such a supposition, it is plain that they must enter ¡mmeiiiatt iv c: an active, uncompromising, relentless coatention; and, after a short defying parler, must, by force or fear, effect the euLie subversion of one or the other ; and in either cut, a complete revolution and dissolution of the present constitution and principle of government. Compromise, upon that supposition, we conceive, must be utterly out of the qu«tion; as well as the limitation of the coiiir-! to words, either of reasoning or of abo«. They would be at each others Threat!. bij>n the end of the year.' or, if there was aar соеpromise, what could it be, but a compromije on the middle ground of Whiggism !—a v.rtual conversion of a majority of those vtry combatants, who are now supposed so ¡о Ьа:? and disdain them, to the creed of that moderate and liberal party?

What is it, then, that prevents soch a Œc-ttal conflict from taking place at the proeiU moment between those who represent ib-rcsent themselves respectively, as ergn?-::: all the principle and all tbe force of the country? what, but the fact, that а тегу ür.t portion of the population do not in reality belong to either; but adhere, and are knows fc adhere, to those moderate opinions1, lor fe profession of which the Whigs and theii a !• vocales are not only covered with the obl'X;'J? of those whom they save from the pvrù- ^ such frightful extremities, but are piepf*'.'1.'ously supposed to have incurred the lii-M? of those with whom in fact they are idemm?: and to whom they belong?

And this leads us to say a few word.« on ib? second grand position of the Holy Allí» against whom we are now called to tieKU ourselves, that the Whigs are not only тлеsistent and vacillating in theit doctrine*, telin consequence of that vice or error., arc я fact, weak, unpopular, and despised in ibe country. The very circumstance of theirbfi:felt to be so formidable as to require the strange alliance to make head again«: ¡Ьш and to force their opponents to intermit »•• other contests, and expenc on them eiolo sively the whole treasures of their gophiftr\ and abuse, miirht go far, we think, to refute tkis desperate allegation. But a very short resumption of the principles we have just been unfolding will show that it cannot possibly be true.

\Ve reckon as Whigs, in this question, all those who are not disposed to go the length ni either of the extreme parties who would now divide the country between them,—all, in other words, who wish the Government to be substantially more popular than it is, or is tending to be—but, at the same time, to retain more aristocrática! influence, and more deference to authority, than the Radical Reiurmers will tolerate :—and, we do not hesitate to say, that eo far from being weak or inconsiderable in the country, we are perfectly convinced that, among the educated classes. which now embrace a very large proportion oí the whole, it greatly outnumbers both the others put together. It should always be recollected, that a middle party like this is invariably much stronger, as well as more determined and formidable, than it appears. Extreme doctrines always make the most noise. They lead most to vehemence, passion, and display,—they are inculcated with most clamour and exaggeration, and excite the greatest alarm. In this way we hear of them most frequently and loudly. But they are not, upon that account, the most widely spread or generally adopted ;—and, in an enlightened country, where there are two opposite kinds of extravagance thus trumpeted abroad together, they serve in a good degree as correctives to each other; and the great body of the people will almost inevitably settle into a middle or moderate opinion. The champions, to be sure, and ambitious leaders on each side, will probably only be exasperated into greater bitterness and greater confidence, by the excitement of their contention. —But the greater part of the lookers-on can scarcely fail to perceive that mutual wounds have been inflicted, and mutual infirmities revealed, — and the continuance and very fierceness of the combat is apt to breed a general opinion, that neither party is right, to the height of their respective pretensions; and that truth and justice can only be satisfied by large and mutual concessions.

Of the two parties—the Thorough Reformers are most indebted for an appearance of greater strength than they actually possess, to their own boldness and activity, and the mere curiosity it excites among the idle, co-operating with the sounding alarms of their opponents, —while the high Tories owe the same advantage in a greater degree to the quiet effect of their influence and wealth, ana to that prudence which leads so many, who in their hearts are against them, to keep their opinions to themselves, till some opportunity can be found of declaring them with effect. Both, however, are conscious that they owe much to such an illusion,—and neither, accordingly, lias courage to venture on those measures to which they would infallibly resort, if they trusted to their apparentj asan actual or available strength. The Tones, who have the ad

ministration in some measure in their hands, would be glad enough to put down all popular interference, whether by assemblies, by speech, or by writing; and, in fact, onlyalldw the law to be as indulgent as it is, and its administration to be so much more indulgent, from a conviction that they would not be supported in more severe measures, either by public opinion without, or even by their own majorities within the walls of the Legislature. They know very well that a great part of their adherents are attached to them Ъу no other tie than that of their own immediate interest, —and that, even among them as they now stand, they could command at least as large a following for Whig measures as for Tory measures, if only proposed by an administration of as much apparent stability. It is not necessary, indeed, to go farther than to the common conversation of the more open or careless of those who vote and act among the Tories, to be satisfied, that a very large proportion, indeed, of those who pass under that title, are what we should call really Whigs in heart and conviction, and are ready to declare themselves such, on the first convenient opportunity. With regard to the Radical Reformers, again, very little more, we think, can be necessary to show their real weakness in the country, than to observe how very few votes they ever obtain at an election, even in the most open boroughs, and the most populous and independent counties. We count foi nothing in this question the mere physical force which may seem to be arrayed on theii side in the manufacturing districts, on occasions of distress and suffering; though, if they felt that they had even this permanently at their command, it is impossible that they should not have more nominations of parliamentary attorneys, and more steady and imposing exhibitions of their strength and union. At the present moment, then, we are persuaded that the proper Whig party is in reality by much the largest and the steadiest in the country; and we are also convinced, that it is in a course of rapid increase. The effect of all long-continued discussion is to disclose flaws in all sweeping arguments, and to multiply exceptions to all general propositions— to discountenance extravagance, in short, to abate confidence and intolerance, and thus to lay the foundations for liberal compromise and mutual concession. Even those who continue to think that all the reason is exclusively on their side, can scarcely hope to convert their opponents, except by degrees. Some few rash and fiery spirits may contrive to pass from one extreme to the other, without going through the middle. But the common course undoubtedly is different ; and therefore we are entitled to reckon, that every one who is detached from the Tory or the Radical faction, will make a stage at least, or half-way house, of Whiggism; and may probably be induced, by the comfort and respectability of the establishment, to remain: As the temperate regions of the earth are found to detain the greater part of those who have been induced to fly from the heats of the Equator, or the rigours of the Pole.

Though it is natural enough, therefore, for those who hold extreme opinions, to depreciate the weight and power of those who take their station between them, it seems sufficientl certain, not only that their position must at j times be the safest and best, but that it is destimed ultimately to draw to itself all that is truly of any considerable weight upon either hand; and that it is the feeling .*. coilstant and growing force of this central attraction, that inflames the animosity of those whose importance would be lost {y the convergence. For our own part, at least, we are satisfied, and we believe the party to which we belong is satisfied, both with the degree of influence and respect which we possess in the country, and with the prospects which, we think, upon reasonable grounds, we may entertain of its increase. In assuming to ourselves the character of a middle party, we conceive that we are merely stating a fact, which cannot well be disputed on the present occasion, as it is assumed by both those who are now opposed to us, as the main ground of their common attack; and almost all that we have said follows as a necessary consequence of this assumption. From the very nature of the thing, we cannot go to either of the extreme parties; and neither of them can make any movement to increase their popularity and substantial power, without coming nearer to us. It is but fair, however, before concluding, to state, that though we do occupy a position between the intolerant Tories and the thorough Reformers, we conceive that we are considerably nearer to the latter than to the former. In our principles, indeed, and the ends at which we aim, we do not materially differ from what is professed by the more sober among them; though we require more caution, more securities, more exceptions, more temper, and more time.

That is the difference of our theories. In practice, we have no doubt, we shall all have time enough:—For it is the lot of England, we have little doubt, to be ruled in the main by what will be called a Tory party, for as long a period as we can now look forward to with any great distinctness—by a Tory party, however, restrained more and more in its propensities, by the growing influence of Whig principles, and the enlightened vigilance of that party, both in Parliament and out of it; and now and then admonished, by a temporary expulsion, of the necessity of a still greater conformity with the progress of liberal opinions, than could be spontaneously obtained. The inherent spirit, however, of monarchy, and the natural effect of long possession of power, will secure, we apprehend, for a con

siderable time, the general sway of men professing Tory principles; and their speedy res toration, when driven for a season from their places by disaster or general discontent: and the Whigs, during the same period, must content themselves with preventing a great deal. of evil, and seeing the good which they had suggested tardily and imperfectly effected, by those who will take the credit of originating what they had long opposed, and only at last adopted with reluctance and on compulsion. It is not a very brilliant prospect, perhaps, nor a very enviable lot. But we believe it to be what awaits us; and we embrace it, not only cheerfully, but with thankfulness and pride— thankfulness, that we are enabled to do even so much for the good and the liberties of our country—and pride, that in thus seeking her service, we cannot well be suspected of selfish or mercenary views.

The thorough Reformers never can be in power in this country, but by means of an actual revolution. The Whigs may, and occasionally will, without any disturbance to its peace. But these occasions might be multiplied, and the good that must attend them accelerated and increased, if the Reformers, aware of the hopelessness of their separate cause, would throw their weight into the scale of the Whigs, and so far modify their preten. sions as to make it safe or practicable to .. port them. The Whigs, we have already said, cannot come to them; both because they hold some of their principles, and thei modes of asserting them, to be not merely unreasonable, but actually dangerous; and be. cause, by their adoption, they would at once hazard much . and unfit themselves for the good service they now perform. But the Reformers may very well come to the Whigs; both because they can practically do nothing (peaceably) for themselves, and be. cause the measures which they might occasionally enable the Whigs to carry, thoug not in their eyes unexceptionable or sufficient, must yet appear to them better than those of the Tories—which is the only attainable alternative. This accordingly, we are persuaded, will ultimately be the result; and is already, we have no doubt, in a course of accomplishment; —and, taken along with the gradual abandonment of all that is offensive in Tory pretensions, and the silent adoption of most of the Whig principles, even by those who continue to disclaim the name, will effect almost all that sober lovers of their country can expect, for the security of her liberties, and §. final extinction of all extreme parties, in the liberal moderation of Whiggism.

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MISCELLANEOUS.

(Шов, 1820.)

.In Appe\û from the Judgments of Great Britain respecting the United States of America. Part First. Containing an Historical Outline of their Merits and Wrongs as Colonies, and Strictures on the Calumnies of British Writers. By Robert Walsh, Esq. 8vo. pp. 505 Philadelphia and London: 1819.*

One great staple of this book is a vehement, and. we really think, a singularly un•ust attack, on the principles of this Journal. Yet \ve take part, on the whole, with the author:—and heartily wish him success in the créât object of vindicating his country from unmerited aspersions, and trying to make us, in England, ashamed of the vices and defects which he has taken the trouble to point out in our national character and institutions. In this pirt of the design we cordially concur—and shall at all times be glad to co-operate. But there is another part of it, and we are sorry to say a principal and avowed part, of which we cannot speak in terms of too strong regret and reprobation—and that is, a design to excite and propagate among his countrymen, a general animosity to the British name, by way of counteracting, or rather revenging, the animosity which he very erroneously supposes lo be generally entertained by the English against them.

That this is. in itself, and underany circumstance?, an unworthy, an unwise, and even a criminal object, we think we could demonstrate to the satisfaction of Mr. Walsh himself, and all his reasonable adherents; but it i? better, perhaps, to endeavour, in the first place, to correct the misapprehensions, and dispel the delusions in which this disposition has its foundation, and, at all events, to set them the example of perfect sood humour and fairness, in a discussion where the parlies perhaps will never be entirely agreed; and where those who are now to be heard have the stronsPM conviction of having been injuriously misrepresented. If Wh felt any soreness, in

* There n no one feeling-^-havmif public eoncerns for it» object—with which I have been so long and eo deeply impressed, as that of the vast importance of our maintaining fricnHlv. and even (•ordhl relations, wiih the free, powerful, moni, and industrious Sia'es of America :—a rmulinoa uprn which I cannot help thinking that not only our own freedom and prosperity, but that of the better pnrl of the world, will ultimately be found to be more and more dependent. I give the first plnce. therefore, in this concluding division of the work, to an earnest and somewhat importunate exhortation to this effect—which I believe produced pome impression at the time, and I trust may still help forward 'He good end to which it was directed.

deed, on the score of this author's imputations, or had any desire to lessen the just effect of his representations, it would have been enough for us, we believe, to have let them

I alone. For, without some such help as onrs, the work really does not seem calculated to make any great impression in this quarter of the world. It is not only, as the author has himself ingenuously observed of it, a very "clumsy book," heavily written and abominably printed,—but the only material part of it —the only part about which anybody can now be supposed to care much, either here or in America — is overlaid and buried under a huge mass of historical compilation, which would have little chance of attracting readers at the present moment, even if much better digested than it is in the volume before us.

The substantial question is, what has been the true character and condition of the United States since they became an independent nation.—and what is likely to be their condition in future I And to elucidate this question, the learned author has thought fit to premise about two hundred very close-printed pages, upon their merits as colonies, and the harsh treatment they then received from the mother country! Of this large historical sketch, we cannot say. either that it is very correctly drawn, or very faithfully coloured. It presents us with no connected narrative, or interesting deduction of events—but is, in truth, a mere heap of indigested quotations from common books, of good and bad authority—inartificially cemented together by a loose and angry commentary. We are not aware, indeed, that there are in this part of the work either any new statements, or any new view s or opinions; the facts being mostly taken from Chalmers' Annals, and Butke's European Settlements; and the authorities for ihi- good conduct and ill treatment of thi' colonies,

j being chiefly the Parliamentary Dt-bitcs ami

[ Brougham's Colonial Policy.

I But. in ¡rood truth, thfise histórica, recoller

! lions will go but a little way in determining that great practical anil most important question, which it is Mr. W.'s intention, as well as ours, to discuss—What are, and what ought to be, the dispositions of England and America towards each other? And the general facts as to the first settlements and colonial history of the latter, in so far as they bear upon this question, really do not admit of much dispute. he most important of those settlements were o founded by the friends of civil and religious liberty—who, though somewhat precise and puritanical, and we must add, not a little intolerant, were, in the main, a sturdy and sagacious race of people, not readily to be cajoled out of the blessings they had sought through so many sacrifices; and ready at all times manfully and resolutely to assert them against all invaders. As to the mother country, again, without claiming for her any romantic tenderness or generosity towards those hardy offsets, we think we may say, that she oppressed and domineered over them much less than any other modern nation has done over any such settlements—that she allowed them, for the most part, liberal charters and constitutions, and was kind enough to leave them very much to themselves;–and although she did manifest, now and then, a disposition to encroach on their privileges, their rights were, on the whole, very tolerably respected —so that they grew up undoubtedly to a state of much prosperity and a familiarity with freedom in all its divisions, which was not only without parallel in any similar establishment, but probably would not have been attained had they been earlier left to their own guidance and protection. This is all that we ask for England, on a review of her colonial policy, and her conduct before the war; and this, we think, no candid and well-informed person can reasonably refuse her. As to the War itself, the motives in which it originated, and the spirit in which it was carried on, it cannot now be necessary to say anything—or, at least, when we say that having once been begun, we think that it terminated as the friends of Justice and Liberty must have wished it to terminate, we conceive that Mr. Walsh can require no other explanation. That this result, however, should have left a soreness upon both sides, and especially on that which had not been soothed by success, is what all men must have exected. But, upon the whole, we firmly beive that this was far slighter and less durable than has generally been imagined; and was likely very o, to have been entirely effaced, by those ancient recollections of kindness and kindred which could not fail to recur, and by that still more powerful feeling, to which every day was likely to add strength, of their common interests, as free and as commercial countries, and of the substantial conformity of their national character, and of their sentiments upon most topics of public and of private right. The healing operation, however, of these causes was unfortunately thwarted and retarded by the heats that rose out of the French revolution, and the new interests and new relations which it appeared for a time to create :-And the hostilities in which we were at last involved with America herself—though the opinions of her people, as well as our own, were deeply divided upon both questions—served still further to embit

o ter the general feeling, and to keep alive the memory of animosities that ought not to have been so long remembered. At last came peace, —and the spirit, we verily believe, but unfor. tunately not the prosperity of peace; and the distresses and commercial embarrassments of both countries threw both into bad humour; and unfortunately hurried both into a system of iealous and #. policy, by which that tod humour was aggravated, and received an unfortunate direction. In this exasperated state of the national temper, and we do think, too much under its influence, Mr. Walsh has now thought himself called upon to vindicate his country from the aspersions of English writers; and after arraigning them, generally, of the most incredible ignorance, and atrocious malignity, he .# to state, that the EDINBURGH and QUARTERLY Reviews, in particular, have been incessantly labouring to traduce the character of America, and have lately broken out into such “excesses of obloquy,” as can no longer be endured; and, in particular, that the proso of a large emigration to the United States as thrown us all into such “paroxysms of spite and jealousy,” that we have engaged in a scheme of systematic defamation that sets truth and consistency alike at defiance. To counteract this nefarious scheme, Mr. W. has taken the field—not so much to refute as to retort—not for the purpose of pointing out our errors, or exposing our unfairness, but, rather, if we understand him aright, of retaliating on us the unjust abuse we have been so long pour. ing on others. In his preface, accordingly, he fairly avows it to be his intention to act on the offensive—to carry the war into the enemy's quarters, and to make reprisals upon the honour and character of England, in revenge for the insults which, he will have it, her writers have heaped on his country. He therefore proposes to point out, -not the natural complexion, or genuine features, but “the sores and blotches of the British nation,” to the scorn and detestation of his countrymen; and having assumed, that it is the “intention of Great Britain to educate her youth in sentiments of the most rancorous hostility to America,” he assures us, that this design will, and must be met with corresponding sentiments, on his side of the water! Now, though we cannot applaud the generosity, or even the common humanity of these sentiments—though we think that the American government and people, if at all deserving of the eulogy which Mr. W. has here bestowed upon them, might, like Cromwell, have felt themselves too strong to care about paper shot—and though we cannot but feel that a more temperate and candid tone would have carried more weight, as well as more magnanimity with it, we must yet begin }. admitting, that America has cause of complaint;-and that nothing can be more despicable and disgusting, than the scurrility with which she has been assailed by a portion of the press of this country—and that, disgraceful as these publications are, they speak the

sense, if not of a considerable, at least of a

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