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joyed their due weight in the administration of the government, and their due share in the distribution of its patronage, there would have been no democratic insurrection, and no materials indeed for such a catastrophe as ensued. That movement, like all great national movements, was produced by a sense of injustice and oppression; and though its' immediate consequences were far more disastrous loan the evils by which it had been provoked, it should never be forgotten, that those evils were the necessary and lamented causes of the whole. The same principle, indeed, of the necessary connection of oppression and insecurity, may be traced through all the horrors of the revolutionary period. What, after all, was it but their tyranny that supplanted Marat and Robespierre, and overthrew the tremendous power of the wretches for whom they made way? Or, to come to its last and most conspicuous application, does any one imagine, that if Bonaparte had been a just, mild, and equitable sovereign, under whom the people enjoyed equal rights and impartial protection, he would ever have been hurled from his throne, or the Bourbons invited to replace him 1 He, too, fell ultimately a victim to his tyranny :—and his fall, and their restoration on the terms that have been stated, concur to show, that there is but one condition by which, in an enlightened age, the loyalty of nations can be secured—the condition of their being treated with kindness; and but one bulwark by which thrones can now be protected—the attachment and conscious interest of a free and intelligent people. This is the lesson which the French revolution reads aloud to mankind ; and which, in its origin, in its progress, and in its termination, it tends equally to impress. It shows alsOj no doubt, the dangers of popular insurrection, and the dreadful excesses into which a people will be hurried, who rush at once from a condition of servitude to one of unbounded licentiousness. But the state of servitude leads necessarily to resistance and insurrection, when the measure of wrong and of intelligence is full : and though the history before u.s holds out most awful warnings as to the reluctance and the precautions with which resistance should be attempted, it is so far from shownng that it either can or ought to be repressed, that it is the very moral of the whole tragedy, and of each of its separate acts, that resistance is as inevitably the effect, as it is immediately the cure and the punishment of oppression. The crimes and excesses with which the revolution may be attended, will be more or less violent in proportion to the severity of the preceding tyranny, and the degree of ignorance and degradation in which it has kept the body of the people. The rebellion of West India slaves is more atrocious than the insurrection of a Parisian populace ;—and that again far more fierce and sanguinary than the movements of an English revolution. But in all cases, the radical guilt is in the tyranny which compels the resistance ; and they who are the authors of the misery and the degradation, are also

responsible for the act« of passion and df-bi-tment to which they naturally lead. If the natural course of a stream be obstructed, the pent up waters will, to a certainty, later bear down the bulwarks by which, ¡hr\ are confined. The devastation which n.iv ensue, however, is not to be ascribed to the weakness of those bulwarks, bnt to the iui..;amental folly of their erection. The siroii't: they had been made, the more dreadful, and not the less certain, would have been the ultimate eruption ; and the only practical leftson to be learned from the catastrophe is. lLi¡ the great agents and elementary énergie-:: nature are never dangerous but when they are repressed ; and that the only way to ях? and disarm them, is to provide a sate L-.À ample channel for their natural operation. The laws of the physical world, however, a-? not more absolute than those of the moral; nor is the principle of the rebound of elastic bodies more strictly demonstrated than the reaction of rebellion and tyranny.

If there ever was a time, however, when it might be permitted to doubt of this princ^ie. it certainly is not the time when the tyranny of Napoleon has just overthrown the rnu;h::e?! empire that pride and ambition ever ereciti on the ruins of justice and freedom. Protected as he was by the vast military sis tern he had drawn up before him. and s; .1 more, perhaps, by the dread of that cbct.f end devouring gulf of Revolution which K.I yawned behind him, and threatened to swallow up all who might drive him from hi« place, he was yet unable to maintain a dominion which stood openly arrayed agakst the rights and liberties of mankind. Dei if tyranny and oppression, and the abuse of imperial power have cast down the throne of Bonaparte, guarded as it was with force г:; Í terror, and all that art could devise to trr.U'rase, or glory furnish to dazzle and over-a" • what tyrannical throne can be expected to stand hereafter? or what contrivances can secure an oppressive sovereign from the vt • geance of an insurgent people? Look in? c: .;• to the extent of his resources, and the -« and vigour of his arrangements, Do eorereari on the Gmtinent seemed half so tirm in : • place as Bonaparte did but two years a£0 There was the canker of tyranny, hown-'. in the full-blown flower of hie greatoe?«. With all the external signs of power and pro«perity, he was weak, because he was unju'. —he was insecure, because he was oppn >?.••' —and his state was assailed from without, .r •' deserted from within, for no other геачч '!..." that his ambitious and injurious proceedi: had alienated the affections of his people, v.¿ alarmed the fears of his neighbours.

The moral, then, of the grand drama vh.rh has occupied the scene of civilised Europe ior upwards of twenty years, is. we think, al last sufficiently unfolded ;—anJ strange indeed and deplorable it certainly were, if »11' labour should have been without fruit.and al that suffering in vain. Something, surely, fo our own guidance, and for that of our Р°^Л! ty, we ought at last to learn, from so р*л.гш and so costly an experiment. We have lived ages in these twenty years; and have seen condensed, into the period of one short life, the experience of eventful centuries. All the moral and all the political elements that engender or diversify great revolutions, have been set in action, and made to produce their full effect before us; and all the results of misgovernment, in all its forms and in all its extremes, have been exhibited, on the grandest scale, in our view. Whatever quiescent indolence or empiric rashness, individual ambition or popular fury, unrectified enthusiasm or brutal profligacy, could do to disorder the counsels and embroil the affairs of a mighty nation, has been tried, without fear and without moderation. We have witnessed the full operation of every sort of guilt, and of every sort of energy—the errors of strength and the errors of weakness—and the mingling or contrasting effects of terror and vanity, and wild speculations and antiquated prejudices, on the whole population of Europe. There has been an excitement and a conflict to which there is nothing parallel in the history of any past ireneration; and it may be said, perhaps without any great extravagance, that during the few years that have elapsed since the breaking out of the French revolution, men have thought and acted, and sinned and suffered, more than in all the ages that have passed since their creation. In that short period, every thing has been questioned, every thing has been suggested—and every thing has been tried. There is scarcely any conceivable combination of circumstances under which men have not been obliged to act. and to anticipate and to suffer the consequences of their acting. The most insane imaginations —the most fantastic theories—the most horrible abominations, have all been reduced to practice, and taken seriously upon trial. Nothing is now left, it would appear, to be projected or attempted in government. We have ascertained experimentally the consequences of all extremes; and exhausted, in the real history of twenty-five years, all the problems that can be supplied by the whole science of politics. Something must have been learned from this great condensation of experience ;—some leading propositions, either positive or negative, must have been established in the course of it:—And although we perhaps are as yet too near the tumult and agitation of the catastrophe, to be able to judge with precision of their positive value and amount, we can hardly be mistaken as to their general tendency and import. The clearest and most indisputable result is, that the prodigious advances made by the body of the people, throughout the better parts of Europe, in wealth, consideration, and intelligence, had rendered the ancient institutions and exclusions of the old continental governments altogether unsuitable to their actual condition; that public opinion had lacitly acquired a commanding and uncontrollable power in every enlightened community; and that, to render its operation in any degree safe, or consistent with any regular plan of administration, it

was absolutely necessary to contrive some means for bringing it to act directly on the machine of government, and for bringing it regularly and openly to bear on the public counsels of the country. This was not necessary while the bulk of the people were poor, abject, and brutish,—and tne nobles alone had either education, property, or acquaintance with affairs; and it was during that period that the institutions were adopted, which were maintained too long for the peace and credit of the world. Public opinion overthrew those in France; and the shock was felt in every feudal monarchy in Europe. But this sudden extrication of a noble and beneficent principle, produced, at first, far greater evils than those which had proceeded from its repression. "Th! extravagant and erring spirit " was not yet enshrined in any fitting organisation; and, acting without balance or control, threw the whole mass of society into wilder and more terrible disorder than had ever been experienced before its disclosure. It was then tried to compress it again into inactivity by violence and intimidation: But it could not be so over-mastered— nor laid to rest, by all the powerful conjurations of the reign of terror; and, after a long and painful struggle under the pressure of a military despotism, it has again broken loose, and pointed at last to the natural and appropriate remedy, of embodying it in a free Representative Constitution, through the meditation of which it may diffuse life and vigour through every member of society.

The true theory of that great revolution therefore is, that it was produced by the repression or practical disregard of public opinion, and that the evils with which it was attended^ were occasioned by the want of any institution to control and regulate the application of that opinion to the actual management of affairs :—And the grand moral that may be gathered from the whole eventful history, seems therefore to be, that in an enlightened period of society, no government can be either prosperous or secure, which does not provide for expressing and giving effect to the general sense of the community.

This, it must be owned, is a lesson worth buying at some cost :—and, looking back on the enormous price we have paid for it, it is no slight gratification to perceive, that it seems not only to have been emphatically taught, but effectually learned. In every corner of Europe, principles of moderation and liberality are at last not only professed, but, to some extent, acted upon; and doctrines equally favourable to the liberty of individuals, and the independence of nations, are univer sally promulgated, in quarters where some little jealousy of their influence might have been both expected and excused. If any one doubts of the progress which the principles of liberty have made since the beginning of the French revolution, and of the efficacy of that lesson which its events have impressed on every court of the Continent, let him compare the conduct of the Allies at this moment, with that which they held in 1790--let him


contrast the treaty of Pilnitz with the declaration of Frankfort—and set on one hand the proclamation of the Duke of Brunswick upon entering the French territories in 1792, and that of the Emperor of Russia on the same occasion in 1814;—let him Ihink how La Fayette and Dumourier were treated at the former period, and what honours have been lavished on Moreau and Bernadette in the latter—or, without dwelling on particulars, let him ask himself, whether it would have been tolerated among the loyal Antigallicans of that day, to have proposed, in a moment of victory, that a representative assembly should share the powers of legislation with the restored sovereign—that the noblesse should renounce all their privileges, except such as were purely honorary—that citizens of all ranks should be equally eligible to all employments—that all the officers and dignitaries of the revolutionary government should retain their rank—that me nation should be taxed only by its representatives—that all sorts of national property should be ratified, and that perfect toleration in religion, liberty of the press, and trial by jury, should be established. Such, however, are the chief bases of that constitution, which was cordially approved by the Allied Sovereigns, after they were in possession of Paris; and, with reference to which, their August Chief made that remarkable declaration, in the face of Europe, "That France stood in need of strong institutions, and such as were suited to the intelligence of the age."

Such is thn improved creed of modern courts, as to civil liberty and the rights of individuals. With regard to national justice and independence again,—is there any one so romantic as to believe, that if the Allied Sovereigns had dissipated the armies of the republic, and entered the metropolis as conquerors in 1792, they would have left to France all her ancient territories.—or religiously abstained from interfering in the settlement of her government, —-or treated her batlled warriors and statesmen with honourable: courtesies, and her humbled and guilty Chief with magnanimous forbearance and clemency? The conduct we have just witnessed, in all these particulars, is wise and prudent, no doubt, as well as magnanimous :—and the splendid successes which have crowned the arms of the present Deliverers of Europe, may be ascribed even more to tho temper than to the force with which they have been wielded;—certainly more to the plain justice and rationally of the cause i:i which they were raised, than to either.— Yet those- very successes exclude all supposition of this justice ar.d liberality being assumed out of fear or necessity ;—and establish the sincerity of those professions, which it would no doubt have been the best of all policy at any rate to have made. It is equally décisive, however, of the merit of the agents and of the principles, that the most liberal maxims were held out by the most decided victors: and the greatest honours paid to civil and to national freedom, when it was most in their pcwei to have crushed the one, and invaded

the other. Nothing, in short, can accor.r.: ¡"or the altered tone and altered policy of the srrea Sovereigns of the Continent, but their growirg conviction of the necessity of recukted freedom to the peace and prosperity of the vori«4, —but their feeling that, in the more enlitht ened parts of Europe, men could no lo:;:- . governed but by their reason, and thai ;;:='.!and moderation were the only true safegcatib of a polished throne. By this high tcM.rr..-. we think, the cause of Liberty is at lei::.".:. -: up above all hazard of calumny or discoonlenance ;—and its interests, we make no douK will be more substantially advanced, by be:: thus freely and deliberately recognised, in the face of Europe, by its mightiest кь: :• -: absolute princes, than they could olhem'-e have been by all the reasonings of philosop;. and the toils of patriotism, for many sucossive generations.

While this is the universa] feeling ainc.; those who have the best opportunity. :•.: strongest interest to form a just opinion en the subject, it is not a little strai:ge aij>: л. :• tifving, that there should still be a pa::1. this country, who consider those grea! :.v actions under a different aspect;—who !.<t with jealousy and grudging upon all that hv been done for the advancement of freedcin; and think the splendour of the late етеьв considerably tarnished by ihose stipulation 1 for national liberty, which form to other еуя their most glorious and happy feature, n t do not say this invidiously, nor ont of air spirit of faction: But the fact is nnques!*>rable;—and it is worth while both tu ¡ro and to try to account for it. An arrangent:.!, which satisfies all the arbitrary Sovi" •. of Europe, and is cordially adopt«!:; Monarch who is immediately affected bv .L is objected to as too democrática!, by a fall in this free country! The Autocrator к t the Russias—the Imperial Chief of the fírmame principalities—the Military Soverr." of Prussia—are all agreed, that France .'hi1:!: have a free government: Nay, the K:'i '' France himself is thoroughly pernoadeU tí the same great truth; — and all the v rejoices at its ultimate acknowledgment— except only the Tories of England! T»" cannot conceal their mortification at th>' triumph of the popular cause; and, while they rejoice at the restoration of the Kirc'" the throne of his ancestors, and the recaí oí his loyal nobility to their ancient homu:> -••• evidently not a little hurt at the adranlar" which have been, at the same time, st<"-' to the People. They are very g!ad. certa.:.!' to see Louis XVIII. on the throne of Nar'-'—but they would have liked him betttr had not spoken so graciously to the Ул. -::.1 of the revolution,—if he had not eo in*.; accepted the constitution which restrain1 •':•'• prerogative,—nor so cordially held ou! '-••' hand of conciliation to all descriptions cl E. subjects ;—if he had been less magnanime::« in snort, less prudent, and less amiable. would have answered better to iktir id««ct a glorious restoration, if it could have beec accomplished without any condition»; ana u

the Prince had thrown himself entirely into the hands of those bigotted emigrants, who atft'ct to be displeased with his acceptance oí a limited crown. In their eyes, the thing would have been more complete, if the noblesse had been restored at once to all their feudal privileges, and the church to its ancient endowments. And we cannot help suspecting, that they think the loss of those vain and oppressive trappings, but ill compensated by tlio increased dignity and worth of the whole population, by the equalisation of essential rights, and the provision made for the free enjoyment of life, property, and conscience, by the great body of the people.

Perhaps \ve exaggerate a little in our representation of sentiments in which we do not at all concur:—But, certainly, in conversation and in common newspapers—those light «raws that best show how the wind sits— она hearn and sees, every day, things that approach at least to the spirit we have attempted to delineate,—and afford no slight presumption of the prevalence of such opinions as we lament, lu lamenting them, howютг, we would not indiscriminately blame. —Thuy are not all to Ьэ ascribed to a spirit of servility, or a disregard of the happiness oí mankind. Here, as in other heresies, there is an intermixture of errors that ire to be pardoned, and principles that are tu be respected. There are patriotic prejudices, and illusions of the imagination, and misconcerjijons from ignorance, at the bottom of this •innatural antipathy to freedom in the citizens of a free land; as well as more sordid interests, and more wilful perversions. Some 'turdy Englishmen are staunch for our molojxiiy of liberty; and feel as if it was an •jsolc'it invasion of British privileges, for any ».hernation to set upa free constitution!— Others ipprehend serious dangers to our greatness, if ihie mainspring and fountain of our proíperiiy be communicated to other lands.— A still greater proportion, we believe, are influenced by uiusiaeratioiis yet more fantastical.—They have beenf-o iongused to consider the old government of F' as the perfect model of a feudal monarchy, softened and »domed by the refinements of modern society, that they are quite sorry to paît with so fine a specimen of chivalrous manners and institutions; and look upon it, with all itbciruccteristic and imposing accompaniment?, of a br;lIiant and warlike nobility,—a gallant court.— ;orgeous hierarchy,—a gay and familiar

their ideas of the old French monarchy. They have read Burke, till their fancies are somewhat heated with the picturesque image of tempered royalty and polished aristocracy, which he has holdout in his splendid pictures of Fiance as it was before the revolution; and have been so long accustomed to contrast those comparatively happy and prosperous days, with the horrors ana vulgar atrocities that ensued, that they forget the many real evils and oppressions of which that brilliant monarchy was productive, and think that the succeeding abominations cannot be completely expiated till it be restored as it originally existed.

All these, and we believe many other illusions of a similar nature, slight and fanciful as they may appear, contribute largely, we have no doubt, to that pardonable feeling of dislike to the limitation of the old monarchy, which we conceive to be very discernible in a certain part of our population. The great source of that feeling, however, and that wrhich gives root and nourishment to all the rest, is the Ignorance which prevails in this country, both of the evils of arbitrary government, and of the radical change in the feelings and opinions of the Continent, which has rendered it no longer practicable in its more enlightened quarters. Our insular situation, and the measure of freedom we enjoy, have done us this injury; along with the infinite good of which they have been the occasions. We do not know either the extent of the misery jnd weakness produced by tyranny, or the force and prevalence of the conviction which has i 4cently arisen, where they are best known, that they are no longer to be tolerated. On the Continent, experience has at last done far more to enlighten public opinion upon these subjects, than reflection and reasoning in this Island. There, nations have been found irresistible, when the popular feeling was consulted; and absolutely impotent and indefensible where it had been outraged and disregarded: And this necessity of consulting the general opinion, has led, on both sides, to a great relaxation of many of the principles on which they originally went to issue.

Of this change in the terms of the question—and especially of the great abatement which it had been found necessary to make in the pretensions of the old governments, we were generally but little aware in this country. Spectators as we have been of the distant and protracted contest between ancient institutions

vassalage, with the same soi t of feelings witi; I end authorities on the one hand, and demowhich they would be apt to regard the sump-1 cratical innovation on the other, we are apt

tuous pageantry and splendid solemnities of Üie Romish ritual. They are very good Protestants themselves; and know too well the value of religious truth and liberty, to wish for any less simple, or more imposing system ¿t home; but they have no objection that it fhould exist among their neighbours, that iheir taste may be gratified by the magnificent spectacles it affords, and their imaginations warmed with the ideas of venerable and pompous antiquity, which it is во well fitted ¡o suggest. The case in nearly the same with

etui to look upon the parties to that contest as occupying nearly the same positions and maintaining the same principles, they did at the beginning; while those who have been nearer to the scene of action, or themselves partakers of the fray, are aware that, in the course of that long conflict, each party has been obliged to recede from some of its pretensions, and to admit, in some degree, the Й' istice of those that are made against it. ere, where we have been but too apt to con eider the mighty game which has been playing in our eight, and partly at our expense, as an occasion Tor exercising our own party animosities, or seeking illustrations for our peculiar theories of government, we are still as diametrically opposed, and as keen in our hostilit-es, as ever. The controversy with us being m a great measure speculative, would lose its interest and attraction, if anything like a compromise were admitted; and we choose, therefore, to shut our eyes to the great and visible approximation into which time, and experience, and necessity have forced the actual combatants. We verily believe, that, except in the imaginations of English politicians, there no longer exist in the world any such aristocrats and democrats as actually divided all Europe in the early days of the French revolution. In this country, however, we still speak and feel as if they existed ; and the champions of aristocracy in particular, continue, with very few exceptions, both to maintain pretensions that their principals have long ago abandoned, and to impute to their adversaries, crimes and absurdities with which they have long ceased to be chargeable. To them, therefore, no other alternative has yet presented itself but the absolute triumph Of one or other of two opposite and irreconcileable extremes. Whatever is taken from the sovereign, they consider as being necessarily given to crazy republicans ; and very naturally dislike all limitations of tie royal power, because they are unable to distinguish them from usurpations by the avowed enemies of all subordination. That the real state of things has long been extremely different, men of reflection might have concluded from the known principles of human nature, and men of information mnst have learned irom sources of undoubted authority: But no small proportion of our zealous politicians belong to neither of those classes; and we ought not, perhaps, to wonder, if they are slow in admitting truths which a predominating party has io long thought it for its interest to misrepresent or disguise. The time, however, seems almost come, when conviction must be forced even upon their reluctant understandings.—and by the sort of evidence best suited to their capacity. They would probably be little moved by the best arguments that could be addressed to them, and might distrust the testimony of ordinary observers; but they cannot well refuse to yield to the opinions of the great Sovereigns of the Continent, and must even give faith to their professions, when they find them confirmed at all points by their actions. If the establishment of a limited monarchy in France would be dangerous to sovereign authority in all the adjoining regions, it is not easy to conceive that it should have met with the cordial •approbation of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, in the day of their most brilliant success; or that that moment of triumph on the part of the old princes of Europe should have been selected as the period when the thrones of France, and Spain, and Holland, were to be surrounded with permanent limitations,—imposed with their cordial assent, and we might almost say, by their

hands. Compared with acte so nnerjtn'rocal. all declarations may justly be regarded as i; • significant: but there are declarations also to the same purpose ;— made freely and debt*:. ately on occasions of unparalleled importance, — and for no other intelligible purpose bm solemnly to announce to mankind the ¡reper":« principle on which those mighty action* bad been performed.

But while these authorities and these considerations may be expected, in due time.:? overcome that pardonable dislike lo continental liberty which arises from ignorance or natural prejudices, we will confess (bat vt by no means reckon on the total disappearance of this illiberal jealousy. There is. ar.d we fear there will always be, among os, a fet of persons who conceive it to be for their interest to decry every thing that is faTonrabte to liberty, — and who are guided only by a regard to ¡heir interest. In a government co:stituted like our?, the Court must ahmt always be more or less jealous, and ptrbrs justly, of the encroachment of popular principles. and disposed to show favour to ih-v who would diminish the influence a:d authority of such principles. Without intending or wishing to render the British crown ai:.gether arbitrary, it still seems to them tc be in favour of its constitutional privileges tr.j'. arbitrary monarchies should, to a certain eltent, be defended; and an artful apotaryf« tyranny is gratefully received as an à fortiori in support of a vigorous prerogaj live. The leaders of the party, therefore, ла. j that way; and their baser follower? rurh i¡>j morously along it — to the very brink of «егтДе sedition, and treason against the consu:ui:i

Such men no arguments will silence, a,: no authorities convert. It is their рго/ояя to discredit and oppose all that tends to promote the freedom of mankind; and in uat vocation they will infallibly labour, so lencas it yields them a profit. At the present u.cment, too, we have no doubt, that their leal is quickened by their alarm ; since, indf percent of the general damage which the ran* of arbitrary government must sustain {«¡m'tif events of which we have been speaking, thr>r immediate consequences in this country are likely to be eminently favourable to tie interests of reculated liberty and tempérale reform. Next" to the actual cessation of Ы«^shed and suffering, indeed, we consider lia to be the greatest domestic benefit that « are likely to reap from the peace, — arxi ib circumstance, in our new situation, which cai.i the loudest for our congratulation. We a.'< perfectly aware, that it is a subjecl of re<rrf¡ to many patriotic individuals, that the bribe"' successes at which we all rejoice. shouU hi ¡t occurred ,i»der an administration which b:» not manife ;d any extraordinary dislike :o abuses, nor у very cordial attachment to the rights and iberties of the peuple: ami vf know, tha. it has been an opinion pretty curwith them and their enttpwi.«:

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