the plan of permanent arrangement to be land, that country was estimated, I devised for preventing the recurrence of ought rather to say numbered very this evil, which his majesty in his speech accurately, in 1755; but it was done has so earnestly exhorted us to provide by private inquiry; and that process has against, the extent and nature of the po- been since repeated with great industry, pulation of Great Britain must form a showing also a considerable subsequent primary object in all such considerations. increase, in that country, of about oneAssuming, therefore, that the measure fourth within the same period of time. which I am proposing is right in itself, But in Ireland, where the means of calcuand that the present times call upon us lation for this purpose have been more to carry it into effect, I will state to the serviceable even than in England, the House what lights we have derived from public opinion on the question, as applied the transactions of former times to guide to that country, is nevertheless still flucus in the subject before us, and what sort tuating to a very considerable extent. It of results we have hitherto obtained, be- is plain therefore, that all these inquiries fore I submit to the consideration of the and estimates, proceeding without authoHouse what appears to me to be the most rity, upon such imperfect data, have teradviseable course for our own conduct at minated (as might be expected) in nopresent. Some numerations of the people thing but unsatisfactory conjecture; and of England appear to have been made in different persons reasoning even upon the former times by public authority, but same data, continue to give us very concertainly with particular views, and for tradictory results.-This being so, it relimited purposes. In the reign of Edward mains for us to decide what should be 3rd we have a subsidy roll for England, done by us. Unquestionably, in my opicounty by county, from whence the po- nion, we are called upon, by every mopulation of that period is estimated at tive of general policy, and still more by 2,353,000 souls. In the reign of queen the urgent pressure of our present cirElizabeth, the privy council called upon cumstances, to do as other great nations all the bishops for certificates of the num- have done, and substitute certainty for ber of families in their respective dio- conjecture, and instead of approximation ceses: and the population of that period have the fact. It was the policy of the is estimated at about 5,000,000. In the famous De Witt, in his day, to reduce reign of James 1st the bishops in like all these fundamental points to a cermanner certified the number of commu- tainty; and the merits of his administranicants and recusants; and the people are tion, at least for the internal politics of estimated to have amounted at the Resto- his country, have been allowed by all ration to 6,500,000. From these and men. In Holland, this measure has other documents, such as the military been again recently executed. In Sweden, musters, assessments, and parish registers, a regulation to the same effect was many private persons of skill and learning established so long ago as 1749, and have estimated the people of England to is still in force. In Spain, a complete have amounted at the Revolution to about census has been twice taken during 7,000,000. Some desponding men have the present reign; viz. on the years 1768 asserted that the population afterwards and 1787. In America, it was taken decreased by a million and a half between in 1791; and the United States have the Revolution and the peace of Paris in again directed the same process to be 1763; although there is now good reason carried into execution upon a still more for believing that it had really increased extensive plan. And why should this in that interval by 2,000,000. And, great and powerful country choose to restrange as it may appear, even the best main in ignorance of its most important opinions of modern times, and each of concerns, when by an instantaneous meathem highly respectable, estimate our sure it can at once dissipate every doubt? present numbers, according to one state--The means and the modes by which ment, at 8,000,000; and according to other statements, formed on more extensive investigation, and (as it appears to me) a more correct train of reasoning, showing an increase of one-third in the last 40 years, the total number now cannot be less than 11,000,000-As to Scot we may accomplish this object, appear to be obvious and easy; and I should propose to follow the course taken by this House in 1786, for obtaining information upon a point not foreign to this inquiry, I mean the poor rates. All that will be necessary will be to pass a short act re quiring the resident clergy and parish officers in every parish and township to answer some few plain questions, perhaps four or five, easy to be understood and easy to be executed, which should be specified in a schedule to the act, and to return their answers to the clerk of the parliament for the inspection of both houses of parliament. From such materials it will be easy (following the precedent of 1787) to form an abstract exhibiting the result of the whole. This abstract may of course show, not only the total number of inhabitants in the whole and every part of the kingdom, but the proportion borne by the agricultural class to the other classes of his majesty's subjects; and by showing the increase or diminution of baptisms, burials, and marriages, from the latter of which, I mean the marriages, of which the registers are much more comprehensive, complete, and important, we shall have a correct knowledge of what concerns our increasing or decreasing demands for subsistence. And although we may find that an increased population adds to our strength in war, it is evident that it requires a vigilant attention to the means of supporting it.-Sir, let me ask, if parliament had thought fit in antecedent times to adopt this course, and if such a result as I have described were now before us, should we not think such knowledge most valuable in discussing our plans of present and future policy for the subsistence of the people? And unless we ourselves institute such an inquiry at present, we shall not only forego it to our own loss, but we shall also deprive those who are to come after us of the assistance which they might derive from the positive knowledge of our state, and still more from a subsequent repetition of the same measures, and a view of their comparative result. Entertaining these sentiments upon this most important subject, I move, Sir, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to ascertain the population of Great Britain." The motion was seconded by Mr. Wilberforce, and leave was given. On the following day the bill was brought in, and passed its stages without opposition. Debate on Mr. Tierney's Motion for a Committee on the State of the Nation.] Nov. 27. Mr. Tierney said:-I rise, Sir, for the purpose of moving that the House do resolve into a committee to inquire into the state of the nation. I think I see at this moment a desire on the part of ministers to evade all inquiry into the real state of those events which have contributed to our present distress, while at the same time I perceive, that there now exists a strong desire in the country to have these events investigated and explained. Ministers, Sir, have not been, for a considerable period, troubled by motions of this nature; since the year 1796, no regular inquiry into the general conduct of the war has been proposed; no attempt has been made to ascertain the true situation of the country. His majesty's ministers have had a trial of four years, with comparatively no opposition to their measures; they have, during that period, had the full disposal of the national resources, the absolute direction of the national strength. These they have employed in the prosecution of a war instituted for the avowed purpose of setting limits to the power and ambition of France; and the country have a right to know, whether the purposes for which their resources have been consumed, have been accomplished by ministers. What then, Sir, has been the conduct of the war since its commencement, and what consequences has it produced? What is the present state of our foreign relations in this stage of its progress? What has, in a word, been the fruit of all our exertions in the present contest? If any one desiring information on these topics listened to the speeches of the chancellor of the exchequer, he would be tempted to believe that the war had been successful to a degree unparalleled in the annals of this country. If, on the other hand, he heard the representations of gentlemen on this side of the House, he would suppose that it had only displayed a series of disappointment; and that the spirit of the enemy, which it was designed to suppress, had, instead of being weakened, acquired a new degree of force. If he allowed himself to be captivated by the glowing descriptions of the chancellor of the exchequer, he would imagine that the country was at the very height of prosperity; if he submitted his judgment to the statements of others, he would perhaps see reason to conclude that it now labours under the severest pressure of distress. It is surely strange that such contrariety of opinion should exist; but if it does exist, it is highly necessary to institute an inquiry. On the subject of the success of the war, the right hon. secretary (Mr. Dun das) has frequently asserted, that he was willing to meet any inquiry; he has gone so far as boldly to affirm, that the British arms had in no war been crowned with with more signal success, had in no war been distinguished by greater bravery or skill. Now, Sir, I will ask that right hon. gentleman, what has been throughout the contest the grand object of the war? Has it not been to curb the power of France ? And taking this to be one grand object it had in view, let us endeavour to ascertain in what respect it has been affected. The best means of coming to a conclusion on this subject is, by examining the relative situation of the two countries at the time of its commencement and at the present moment. This inquiry naturally divides itself into two branches, as it respects those nations who were our friends, and as it refers to our original foe. As to the first, I will allow that the war has been in some degree successful. From the Dutch we have wrested their eastern settlements; but in return the French, by getting the country into their power, have more than compensated the loss. It appears fair to say, that there seems to have been a kind of compromise in this business, that France should seize on the country, while Britain occupied the settlements. As to Spain, we have been perhaps more successful, by acquiring the island of Minorca; and this is the extent of our success against those states which were formerly our friends. The state of our success against our real and inveterate foe merits a more particular inquiry. In prosecuting this inquiry, I think it necessary to state, that the right hon. gentleman, by taking upon himself the management of the public affairs, has taken upon himself the responsibility of all the measures which have been adopted. Of the unequalled success of our navy during the war there can only be one opinion, there can only be one conviction, that it has uniformly contributed to the glory and honour of the country: but I cannot speak with the same exultation which the right hon. gentleman has discovered when speaking of the army. I cannot admit that, under his directions it has been successful to a degree unexampled in former wars. I will not now speak of the American war, but will direct my attention to a war which must ever be thought of with exultation by Englishmen the seven years war conducted by the right hon. gentleman's illustrious father. I think, Sir, that if filial piety ever prompts him to read the inscription on his father's tomb, he cannot be serious when he asserts that the success of the present war is unequalled. In order to ascertain the state of that war compared with the present, let us see what was the proportion betwixt the means which in each were afforded for success. The total expense of that war was 111,000,000l. and in eight years of the present war upwards of 200,000,000!. have been expended, at the rate of 25,000,000l. during each year. The success of the present war ought, then, to bear a due proportion to the sums which have been raised for its prosecution. If we next turn our views to the number of men employed, we see that the means for carrying on the present war have been also more ample than at the former period. The number of regiments then employed in all the different quarters of the world, was 128, which, allowing 600 to a regiment, formed a body of only 76,000 troops. But the number of troops now supported by the country is 139,000. With a force nearly double that which, in the seven years war, raised the British character to the highest pitch of glory, with an expense far more than double what was then incurred, what have we taken from France which she had at the beginning of the contest, and what alteration has taken place in the situation of the two countries? In the present war we have lost nothing; in the seven years war we lost only Minorca. We have in the present war taken Tobago, Newfoundland, St. Lucie, Martinique, with Pondicherry and other French factories in India. I will even throw into the scale of our conquests, the capture Malta, though I do this gratuitously, both because it did not belong to France at the commencement of the war, and because the merit of the capture ought not to be ascribed to our land forces, but to the admirable dispositions which were made for the blockade by captain Ball. In the seven years war we took all Canada, Quebec, all Nova Scotia, Martinique, Grenada, Tobago, the Havannah, and Pondicherry, while at the same time we laid the foundation of our future greatness in India. ness in India. Perhaps, indeed, the right hon. gentleman may wish to set in opposition to these, the late conquest in the Carnatic, the late destruction of the Mysore tyrant. But, does the right hon. gentleman mean to place in competition with the splendid achievements of lord Clive or sir Eyre Coote, the late events in India? Does he mean to affirm, that the acquisition of the dominions of Tippoo, which can be considered only as the conclusion of our former victories, is comparable with the solid foundation which was formerly laid for our power in that region of the world? In the extent of the conquest made, there is therefore no proportion between this and the seven years war. But, there is another mode of determining whether the present war is entitled to rank so high as the right hon. gentleman seems disposed to assert. We know what was given up at the conclusion of the seven years war, and we know what the right hon. gentleman was willing to give up when negotiations were entered into in 1797. If peace had been made, we know that none of our conquests would have been retained; for the right hon. gentleman had consented, that every thing should be renounced except the Dutch settlements. After all the waste of the national treasure that had then taken place; after the loss of all the men who had previously perished; ministers were then willing to purchase peace by the sacrifice of all that this treasure, and the services of these men, had procured. Thus we have here a decisive mode of ascertaining, whether the war has secured its object; and we find that, after seven years of contest, we have not secured one end which we originally had in view. In the seven years war, two expeditions were attended with circumstances which excited a wish for inquiry. In the one case, some decisive measures were adopted to satisfy the public; and in the other, a temporary disgust was excited: but what were these, compared with the circumstances in the present war which loudly call for inquiry? At an early period of the war, sir Č. Grey and sir J. Jarvis took Guadaloupe and Martinique; yet, in a short time, the latter of these islands was retaken, because supplies were not sent to ensure its defence, and thus, by the misconduct of ministers, the services of meritorious officers were lost to the country. Under the right hon. gentleman's direction, Porto Rico, Ostend, and Dunkirk attest our misfortunes. There is hardly a yard of coast which has not witnessed the discomfiture of British troops; there is hardly a landing-place where a British fleet has not been stationed to bear off these troops from the scene of their disgrace, and save them from the consequences of their defeat. These, Sir, are circumstances which, in my apprehension, call aloud for inquiry. After all these disgraces, in the name of the people of England, I call for an inquiry into the actual result of the war. I call upon ministers to say, whether they have succeeded in repressing the power of France. Let the history of the last twelve months be considered, and let a conclusion then be formed, whether the British army has raised its military character, or whether it has incurred disgraces of the deepest dye? Was not a British army last year compelled in Holland to purchase by ignominious concessions that return which it was unable to effect by the sword? Not satisfied with this disappointment, did not attempts take place to effect a landing on the enemy's coast; and in all of these attempts were not the troops driven back with precipitation, or forced to retire without dis embarking from the ships? Did not these same troops afterwards sail for Genoa, and did not their arrival take place at a time when the decisive battle of Marengo, had rendered their services useless? With a full complement of troops, with full confidence, and a full purse, why did these expeditions never arrive till the period when they ceased to be important? But, after the expedition to Genoa had been too late, what then became of the troops? They continued for a considerable period without having a single definite object before them. At length, another expedition is fitted out under the conduct of an officer, of whose talents no one thinks more highly than I do. With 12,000 troops, a descent at Ferrol is formed; and it is a fact not less wonderful than undeniable, that this body of troops landed, and, after having effected no purpose whatever, gravely returned to the ships. Now the detachment which arrived too late at Genoa joined them, and with united strength they made their appearance before Cadiz, then labouring under the scourge of a dreadful malady; and this expedition, like all the former, terminated in absolute disgrace. These events, Sir, have brought a stain upon the country, which nothing but inquiry can wipe away. For these disgraces the right hon. gentleman is responsible. If the guilt attaches to ministers, this inquiry may be eluded, as it was in the case of the expedition to Holland. But, Sir, the honour of the country will not be so easily satisfied. Throughout the army, there is a strong desire of inquiry-a strong conviction that they have been employed on service where no bravery however great, no talents however admirable, could ensure success-a strong detestation of the conduct of the right hon. gentleman, as the supposed author of these expeditions. I shall, perhaps, be told of the glorious conquests in India as a sort of palliative to this general disgrace. I am willing to allow every degree of praise to the brave officers and men who effected these conquests; but when I think of our settlements in the East, my attention is naturally directed to Egpyt, as, in the hands of the French, affecting their security. When I speak of Egypt, two questions occur to my mind-by what means the French were enabled to get possession of it? and how they continue to possess it at the present moment? Without entering minutely into the first of these questions, I may be permitted to say, that it was a very singular circumstance that 13 sail of the line, with upwards of 300 transports should be enabled to escape without the knowledge of government. We every year vote a large sum for secret money; and what purposes more valuable could a part of this money have been applied, than in endeavouring to procure information on a subject so nearly connected with our highest national interests. The decisive victory of lord Nelson, did, indeed, in some measure, defeat the end of the expedition. But this gallant officer did not sail to the coast of Egypt by any orders from government, and therefore, they ought to claim no share of the honour resulting from the victory. I would ask next, by what means the French now hold possession of Egypt? They keep it, Sir, in consequence of the interference of ministers; who ought to answer for their refusal to ratify the deed by which its evacuation was secured. hered. Holland, soon, after, unable to resist the shock of invasion, became the prey of the conqueror, and was annihi lated as an independent state. Spain next was compelled to give way to the pressure of circumstances, and, from a feeble ally, became an impotent foe. Sardinia was over-run by the French army; and the states of Germany are at this moment possessed by French troops. Thus have our alliances disappeared, Portugal is almost the only state which remains attached to us, but, so far from being able to yield us any assistance, it looks to British aid for support, and Naples is threatened by invasions. Austria, it is true, has given us positive assurances of a determination to make no peace, but in conjunction with this country. When I recollect, however, that she broke through her engagements formerly, I cannot place much reliance on her present professions. It was not till the alliance was no longer of any importance, that Austria consented to receive our subsidy, and to come under a positive engagement not to make a separate peace within a time limited. When I consider the whole circumstances of the case, I cannot help thinking that the emperor was privy to the preliminaries of St. Julien. When I see an officer of character'signing articles for peace, when I see him not flying from his sovereign as having been guilty of a crime, but boldly returning to demand their ratification, I am bound to believe that he acted by authority. Before I leave this subject, I cannot help adverting to the convention which was settled at Copenhagen, after the capture of the Danish frigate. It appears evident from lord Grenville's letter, that ministers were forced to lower their tone in this transaction, and dared not to insist boldly on a recognition of our right to search neutral ships. It is undeniable, from the face of the transaction, that a British minister, backed by a British fleet, had been able to obtain, not an express acknowledgment of this ancient right, but merely an agreeI proceed now to state the effects ment that the discussion should in the which the war has produced on our ex- mean time be deferred. From what place ternal relations. At the beginning of did our ambassador, who had settled this this contest, we had for allies Spain, convention, arrive? Did he not come Holland, Sardinia, Naples, and the differ from Petersburgh, after being subjected ent states of Germany. Let gentlemen to the most extraordinary, not to say in mark the changes which the war has pro-sulting treatment? Was it not clear that, duced. Prussia first became disgusted with the contest, and formed a system of neutrality, to which it has uniformly ad in this instance, ministers could not interfere with dignity, and that the dread of raising up a northern confederacy had led |