he directed I should execute before the governor, or some other person of note, and send it back to the stamp office by the first conveyance, which I should have punctually complied with, had I been in health, and had not our over--ruling gentry, the mob, thought fit to direct otherwise; however, I have the bond in my custody, and whenever there is a prospect of carrying the act into execution, shall not fail to execute the bond, and transmit it to the stamp office by the first opportunity, and also do every thing in my power faithfully to discharge my duty. "I am further to inform you, gentlemen, that I am extremely obnoxious to the governor, and that for no other reason, than that I have constantly, while I have been in the assembly, endeavoured to promote the king's interest, and given opposition to some favourite schemes that tended to retard his Majesty's service. Philadelphia, Sept. 17, 1765. As great riots and disturbances have happened in some of the neighbouring colonies, occasioned by a dislike the "I am also unfortunate enough to be particularly people have to the stamp act, and it being reported that hateful to the chief justice, because I have charged him the stampt papers, &c. for the province, may be expectin the house of assembly with being a rebel, upon his ed in a little time, and, as his Majesty's revenue is deepsaying, "That if ever the government was changed, wely interested in the preservation thereof, think it my should find the king's little finger heavier than the pro- duty to acquaint you, that notwithstanding of any reports prietor's loins." This declaration he made in the house spread of my being named by the officers for this proof assembly more than once, and I often alleged that his vince, that I have not received either bond, commisallegation tended to alienate the affection of the subject sion, nor any other information whatsoever, of my ap from the king, and therefore was treason, and that none pointment from the stamp office, or lords of the treasubut a rebel would be guilty of it. I also am particularly ry, and therefore I can have no pretension whatsoever hateful to the proprietary party, because it was my inte- to take charge of the paper should they arrive. This rest, assiduity, and influence in the house of assembly, information I have thought necessary to give you, that you that enabled the province to send home Doctor Frank- may take measures in the premises, as you shall think lin, to present our petitions for a change of government consistent with your duty and judgment. I am, sir, your from proprietary to royal, which I hope is effected by most obedient, humble servant, this time. "Since writing the above, I am informed that Benjamin Shoemaker, Esq. who is one of the people called quakers, also an alderman of the city, met with the drummers as they were alarming the city, and took them to task, requiring to know by what authority they were endeavouring to raise a mob, they answered, if he would go to the State House he might know; he then asked who ordered them to beat about the streets; they said they had their orders from the coffee house. [N. B. Kept by the before-mentioned Mr. Bradford.] Mr. Shoemaker then forbid them to proceed any further, and he said he would go immediately to the mayor and have them committed; they answered, they could get the mayor's order when they pleased. But Mr. Shoemaker could not find the Mayor nor any officer to assist him, and therefore was obliged to desist, lest he should draw the mob upon himself and family, and so have his house pulled down. "If some rule and order does not take place in America, I am very sure every person who has been named to the stamp-office, must leave North America shortly, or they and their families will fall a sacrifice to the deJuded populace. "Common justice calls upon me to say, the body of the people called quakers, seemed disposed to pay obedience to the stamp act, and so do that part of the Church of England and baptists, that are not some way under proprietary influence. But presbyterians, and proprietary minions, spare no pains to engage the Dutch and lower class of people, and render the royal government odious, but at the same time profess great loyalty to the best of kings, and yet insinuate that his immediate government is intolerable. If his Majesty and his ministers knew the pains taken by the proprietary partisans to give a wrong bias to the minds of his Majesty's subjects, I am confident they would not suffer the powers of government to remain six months in the hands of any proprietor on the continent; neither ought the powers of government to be lodged in any private person, it being disadvantageous to both his Majesty's subjects. JOHN HUGHES. Mr. Dickenson is in town from London, and the ship Charlotte is at Newcastle, and do not chuse to bring her up till you give orders about the stamp papers, as she is a valuable ship. WILLIAM DOWELL. I pray send an answer by bearer. No. III. Mr. Dickenson-I received your kind notice by Mr. To Mr. Dickenson.-Copy of No, IV. Sir-I enclose you a letter I received last evening from Mr. William Dovell, by which I understand that the stamped papers are arrived at Newcastle in the Charlotte, that the owner of the vessel does not care to or "I shall conclude with the following observation, viz. der his ship into the port while these papers are on That if Great Britain can, or will suffer such kind of board, lest some violence should be done to her; and as conduct in her colonies to pass unpunished, a man need I have not the least power from the lords of his Majesnot be a prophet, nor the son of a prophet, to see clear-ty's treasury, or any other public board, authorizing me A great number of the citizens of Philadelphia assembled at the State House, do demand of Mr. John Hughes, distributor of stamps for Pennsylvania, that he will give them assurance under his hand that he will not execute that office, and expect a fair, candid, and direct answer by Monday next ten o'clock, when he will be waited on for that purpose. Saturday, Oct. 5, 1765. No. VI. Philadelphia, Monday morning, No. VII. Philadelphia Monday Morning, October 7, 1765. [See p. 244.] Philadelphia, Tuesday Morning, Oct. 8, 1765. Sir-I make no doubt but you have heard that a great number of people were collected at the state house on Saturday last, by causing muffled drums to beat through the streets of this city, and by ringing the state house bell muffled, and by directing all enquirers to repair to the state house for information; and that after the people were collected, a deputation was sent to me demanding my resignation of the office of chief distributor of stamps. for this province. I am well informed, that great numbers of the ringleaders and promoters of this meeting declared and vowed destruction to my person and property if I refused to gratify them in their demands. JOHN HUGHES. The Governor returned the following verbal answer, viz: Let Mr. Hughes know the stamps are on board the man of war. My resignation is accordingly made, and I beg you will be so kind as to inform me where the stamps are deposited, that I may by this day's post inform the lord's of the treasury what situation they are in. This you must know it is my duty to do, as the stamps were consigned Whereas, I was applied to on Saturday last, about 3 But as I am confined to my bed, and also restrained by to me by their lordships, and I have the bill of lading. o'clock in the afternoon, by the following gentlemen, the people from executing my office, it is not in my powviz. James Tilghman, Esq. attorney at law, Messrs. Robert Morris, Charles Thompson, Archibald M'Call, er to know what is to be done in the premises, I thereJohn Cox, and William Richards, merchants; Mr. Wilfore pray your answer by the bearer, my son, which will liam Bradford, printer, who assured me they were sent oblige, sir, your humble servant, by a great number of people then assembled at the To the Hon. John Penn, Esq. State House, in order to request me to resign the stamp office, and after some conversation on the subject, Mr. Robert Morris, and some others, declared, that it was not expected or desired that my resignation should be any other than the not accepting the office, and declaring every step or measure that should tend to put the late stamp act into execution, until his Majesty's further pleasure should be known, or until the act should be generally carried into execution in the neighbouring colonies; and if that should happen, I was then at liberty to do as I thought proper: and whereas about six o'clock the same evening, a paper was sent me by some of these same gentlemen, in behalf, as I understand, of all those collected at the State House as aforesaid, declaring, that a great number of the citizens of Philadelphia, assembled at the State House, do demand of Mr. John Hughes, distributor of stamps for Pennsylvania, that he will give them assurance under his name, that he will not execute that office, and expect that he will give them a fair, candid and direct answer by Monday next at ten o'clock, when he will be waited on for that purpose. Saturday, Oct. 5, 1765. I do therefore return for answer to those gentlemen, and all their associates, that I have not hitherto taken any step tending to put the late act of parliament in execution in this province, and that I will not either by myself or my deputies, do any act or thing that shall have the least tendency to put the said act into execution in this province, until his Majesty's future pleasure shall be known, or until the said act shall be put in execution in the neighbouring colonies, and this I am determined to abide by, unless either the governor or commander in chief of this province for the time being, shall call upon me to execute the said act. Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1765. with sent, nothing very extraordinary has been attemptGentlemen,-Since my last, a copy whereof is hereed by the mob, as the great men here would fain have it termed and believed on your side the water, and I make no doubt but it will be so represented by the proprietary governor, and his friends; but the truth is, that if the governor, or any half dozen of the magistrates, had called the sheriff and constable to their assistance, it would have been very easy for them, with the assistthe amount of not less than seven or eight hundred men ance of my friends then collected about my house, to of reputation, who would have assisted the civil officers at the risque of their lives, as I did to suppress the Paxton riot, that intended to destroy the Indians at the bar racks. I am now informed the governor has taken the oath prescribed by the stamp act, but his friends keep it a secret, and say, 'who knows that he has,' but it will soon appear here, for that will alter his conduct; the commissioners and government may depend that I will communicate things as they happen, though it is at the risque of my life; for the party, by their tools, frequently give out, that if they knew the man that would so far assist Britain as to inform against any man, in this or any other province, he should not live many hours; and I do assure the government and commissioners, that all positive charges made by me, can be proved by reputable wit nesses. But whether his Majesty or his ministry can, or will wink at and overlook these insults and outrages, and permit their colonists to refuse obedience to an act of parliament, and also declare it illegal and unconstituItional, and also permit the printers here to publish weekly the most violent and inflammatory pieces that ever were wrote, and I am of opinion, that if these continental papers for the two or three months past were examined, many of them would be found rather to exceed the North Briton, (No. XLV.) in alienating the affections of the people from his Majesty, and animating them to rebellion, and yet at the same time call themselves Englishmen, and profess the highest degree of loyalty to his Majesty. I some time tell some of our warm blades, that it is a piece of inconsistency to call themselves Eng And whereas my commission includes the three counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware; do therefore hereby voluntarily inform the good people of those counties, that no act of mine shall either directly or indirectly involve them into any difficulties with respect to the said stamp act, before the same shall take place in the neighbouring colonies, or until his Majesty's future pleasure shall be known, or until the governor and commander in chief for the time being of those counties, shall call upon me as aforesaid, to execute the said act. more, than that the king of Great Britain would not arbitrarily, and without law, raise money on the subject in America, and this is all our forefathers seemed to have asked when they left Britain, and indeed it is all the kings of Great Britain can legally promise, for the king cannot bar the rights of the lords and commons, any more than they can his prerogatives. The answer then is, you are an enemy to America, and ought to have your brains beat out, &c. And indeed there is nothing has saved me but the great number of friends and rela- | tions that I have in this country, and, had it not been for their numbers, I must have resigned my office absolutely, or else not only me but my family and fortune would have fallen a sacrifice. I believe I am the only stamp distributor that has not either resigned absolutely, or fled the province between Virginia and Hallifax, and if the Virginia officer had been there, I think he must have resigned also, for there the fire began. It is my private opinion, that if the province of Pennsylvania was changed from proprietary to a royal government, and some person appointed to govern it, that had both interest among the people, and a perfect knowledge of them, so as to be able to displace the disloyal, and put it in power and commission such only as could be depended on, and have demonstrated their loyalty to their king; such a person, after the changes aforesaid, might| easily govern this province, and preserve the peace of it, and keep it in subjection to his Majesty, which I think we hardly are at this time. One reason assigned for not paying obedience to this act of parliament, is, that we have no representative in parliament; I then say, let us petition for representatives. O, no, we will not agree to that, because we have representatives of our own, and have always given money when we have been called on by the king or his ministers, and if that will not do, let us have a house of commons in America, to settle what shall be the quota of each colony when money is wanted-No, gentlemen, you have foreclosed yourselves of that, for you have demonstrated your propensity to rebellion, to that degree, that in my opinion the ministry never can advise his Majesty to unite you more than you now are; but if they knew our circumstances rightly, they would divide us yet more, by forming new colonies out of Virginia, and perhaps some others that are already but too large; but these things are at a distance, for Great Britain must first determine whether she is to govern or not, and whether she will permit us to put ourselves under the protection of France, or Spain, as many upon the continent declare they will ward off the stamp act, until they can get France or Spain to protect them; and some few have gone so far in this province. I must now contradict your allegation of our giving money when called upon. Pray has Maryland given one shilling all the last war, and did not most of the colonies, except Pennsylvania, refuse both | men and money for Colonel Bouquet's last expedition against the Indians to the westward; and when Colonel Bouquet, by his friends, got some volunteers raised for the purpose in Virginia, was he not obliged to apply to the commissioners of this province to pay them, or else he must have paid them out of his private fortune; although the war was on the Virginia frontier, and their people frequently murdered at that time. November the Sd, being Saturday evening, I was called upon by the collector, to let me know that he and the other custom house officers would call upon me next day, but they afterwards changed their plan; and -Tuesday the 5th, I received the paper, (No. I.) and that afternoon returned for answer the paper (No. II.) and I now understand that the party are much on dissatisfied with my answer, and say I had no need to say more than three words, viz. I have none-This they could have protested upon and sent home to the custom house, but I believe they have no great inclination to send home this letter; however, I think it my duty to send it you with a copy of theirs; also I wish I knew whether the act would be enforced or not, for if it is to be repealed, I might resign voluntarily in time, and thereby escape the violence of the party, for if the act is not enforced, nor I do not resign in time, I shall not be able to go into some of the neighbouring colonies, and look after my interest during my life time, for they threa ten me already in Maryland and Virginia, and if they ever catch me there they will make a sacrifice of me: but if they should be made subject to Great Britain, I shall then be in no danger, for the issue of this act will absolutely determine Britain's sovereignty in America. For, if by these rebellious actions we can get this act repealed, I have no doubt but some of my children may live to see a duty laid by Americans on some things imported from Britain, for I do not know an instance of a mob's sitting down contented with one thing, unless they have a force able to quell them. I presume when the remonstrances from the grand committee (who meet at New York) come here, it will be easy to judge what we would be at; for even in this province some few say, if we stick by one another, it is not in the power of Britain to enforce it, and say that Ireland did the same formerly, and by that means have escaped the burthen as they call it. I am unable at this time to give a more full account of the proceedings in America, being not recovered from my late illness. I am, gentlemen, with respect, your most obedient, humble servant, To the Commissioners of the Stamp Office. Mr. John Hughes, No. I. JOHN HUGHES. Nov. 7, 1765. Sir, We have heard from public report, that you are the officer appointed to distribute stamp-papers and parchment in the province, pursuant to an act of parliament lately published in England, and we now apply to you, to know whether you can supply us with stamp papers proper for cockets and clearances, on which the duty of four-pence sterling is imposed (if the copy we have seen of the act be genuine.) We apprehend it is our duty to apply to you for them, as we cannot proceed regularly in the business of our office without them.— Please to let us have your answer in writing as soon as possible, in order to prevent any mistake or misunderstanding, that may happen from a verbal conference between us. We beg you will be pleased to have a direct answer, whether you will or not let us have the stamp papers for the purposes above mentioned. We are, sir, your most humble servants, Custom-house, Philadelphia, Nov. 4, 1764. J. SWIFT, Dep. Collr. A. BARCLAY, Compt. T. GRAME, Naval Offr. No. II. Gentlemen,-I received yours of the 4th instant, and cannot but infer from the contents, that you are strangers in Pennsylvania, since by the tenor of your letter, you seem to be unacquainted with the things that are come to pass in these our days. Therefore, I think it necessary, before I proceed in answer, to give you a brief detail of what has happened. First then, I am to inform you, that on Saturday the 5th of October last, the State-house and Christ-church bells were rung muffled, and two negro-drummers, one of whom belonged to alderman Samuel Mifflin, beat through all parts of the city with muffled drums, thereby alarming the inhabitants. you no doubt have informed the commissioners I cannot "By governor Franklin's letters, and by my last, you will see that Mr. Cox has resigned the stamp-office for New Jersey, and there is scarce a day goes over my head, but many people call on me to resign, and say I am an enemy to North America if I do not; but since I am now -and must abide by consequences, be they what they will, I shall be exceedingly obliged to you, if it is consistent with your judgment, to recommend my son Hugh for Mr. Cox's successor. My son is married, and settled in New Jersey, has a good estate, both real and personal, and can give any security that may be required-I am the more induced to ask this favour, as I think there will be no difficulty in putting the act in execution in that province; and, if my property, and perhaps my life may be lost in this province, my son I hope will be the better for the office in that province, which may be some compensation for what property may be In consequence whereof, a large number of people was J. HUGHES. Philadelphia, Sept. 1765. Extract of letters from John Hughes, Esq. appointed Distributor of the Stamps for Pennsylvania, to Benjamin Franklin, Esq. Agent for said Province, by him, per order, laid before the Parliament. Sept. 10, 1765. "Our assembly met yesterday, and this day a majority of fifteen against fourteen, were for sending a committee to New York, to meet the committee of Boston on the first of October, where they insinuate there will be men sent from every colony, in order to unite and become, as they express it, like a bundle of rods, alluding to the fable of the old man and his sons. This scheme, or plan of union, is not only begun, but indefatigably pushed forward, by the presbyterians principally. Sept. 11. This afternoon captain Friend arrived, and as he says he has no stamp papers on board, all seems pretty quiet at present. The assembly have named Joseph Fox, Geo. Bryan, John Morton and John Dickin son, as a committee to go to the Congress at New York. Sept. 12. Our clamours run very high, and I am told my house shall be pulled down and the stamps burnt, to which I give no other answer than that I will defend my house at the risque of my life. I must say that all the sensible quakers behave prudently. Sept. 16. in the evening. Common report threatens my house this night, as there are bonfires and rejoicings for the change of ministry. The sober and sensible part of the people are doing every thing in readiness to suppress a mob, if there should be any intention of rising. I, for my part, am well armed with fire-arms, and am deing, shall give you a further account, but as it is now termined to stand a siege. If I live till to-morrow mornabout eight o'clock I am on my guard, and only write this between whiles, as every noise or bustle of the people calls me off. Nine o'clock. Several friends that patrole between my house and the coffee-house, came in just now, and say the collection of rabble begins to decrease visibly in the streets, and the appearance of danger seems a good deal less than it did. "You are now from letter to letter to suppose each may be the last that you will receive from your old friend, as the spirit or flame of rebellion is got to a high pitch among the North Americans, and it seems to me, that a sort of frenzy, or madness, has got such hold of the people of all ranks, that I fancy some lives will be lost before Twelve o'clock. There are now several hundreds of this fire is put out; I am at present much perplexed what our friends about the street ready to suppress any mob, course to steer; for, as I have given you reason to ex- if it should attempt to rise, and the rabble are disperspect, I would endeavour to put the act in execution, and ing. Sept. 17. five in the morning. We are all yet in the land of the living, and our properties safe, thank God. Extract of a letter from Joseph Galloway, Esq. dated Esq. "The public papers will inform you of the present distracted state of the colonies, and the many outrages and riots that have been occasioned by a dislike to the stamp act, all which have been incited by the principal members of the colonies where they have been committed—Measures have not been wanting to create the same temper in the people here, in which some have been very active. In hopes to prevent their ill effects, I wrote a moderate piece, signed Americanus, published here and at New York, and since in Virginia, wherein you will see my sentiments on the subject. I am told it had good effect in those places as well as here, being much approved by the moderate part of the people; yet we should not have been free from riots here, if another method had not been taken to prevent them, viz. By assembling quietly at the instance of Mr. Hughes's friends (and not by order from the government of the city,) near eight hundred sober inhabitants were posted in different parts, ready to prevent any mischief that should be attempted by the mob, which effectually inti- | midated them and kept all tolerable quiet, only they burnt a figure that they called a stamp man, and about midnight dispersed. Great pains have been taken to persuade and frighten Mr. Hughes into a resignation of his office, but he continues firm, and will not resign in any manner that shall do dishonor to his appointment, and I think will be able to put his commission into execution, notwithstanding the example set by other colonies. REVOLUTIONARY ANECDOTES. ROBERT MORRIS. At the most distressful period of the war, General Washington wrote to Congress, "That he was surrounded by secret foes, destitute of the means of detecting them, or of getting intelligence of the enemy's movements and designs. The army was in rags, had few or no blankets, aud military stores were in the dregs. The troops reduced in numbers, must retreat, without the means of defence if attacked, and would probably disperse from the want of subsistence and clothing in an inclement season, too severe for nature to support. In a word, we have lived upon expedients till we can live no longer; and it may truly be said, that the history of this war, is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and economy, which results from it." All business was, in consequence, suspended in Congress, and dismay was universal, since no supplies of the requisitions demanded could be provided. expression of countenance indicative of the most poig "In 1779, or 1780, two of the most distressing years of the war, General Washington wrote to me a most alarming account of the prostrate condition of the military stores, and enjoining my immediate exertions to supply deficiencies. There were no musket cartridges but those in the men's boxes, and they were wet; of course, if attacked, a retreat or a rout was inevitable.We (the Board of War) had exhausted all the lead accessible to us, having caused even the spouts of houses to be melted, and had offered, abortively, the equivalent in paper of two shillings specie per pound for lead. I went in the evening of the day in which I received this letter, to a splendid entertainment given by Don Mirailles, the Spanish Minister. My heart was sad, but I had the faculty of brightening my countenance even under gloomy disasters, yet it seems then not sufficiently adroitly. Mr. Morris, who was one of the guests, and knew me well, discovered some casual traits of depression. He accosted me in his usual blunt and disengaged manner, "I see some clouds passing across the sunny countenance you assume-what is the matter"" After some hesitation I showed him the General's letter, which I had brought from the office with the intention of placing it at home in a private cabinet. He played with my anxiety, which he did not relieve for some time. At length, however, with great and sincere delight, he called me aside, and told me that the Holker privateer had just arrived at his wharf with ninety tons of lead, which she had brought as ballast. It had been landed at Martinique, and stone ballast had supplied its place, but this had been put on shore and the lead again taken in. 'You shall have my half of this fortunate supply; there are the owners of the other half,' (indicating gentlemen in the apartment.) 'Yes, but I am already under heavy personal engagements, as guarantee for the Department, to those and other gentlemen.' 'Well,' rejoined Mr. Morris, they will take your assumption with my guaranty.' I instantly, on these terms, secured the lead, left the entertainment, sent for the proper officers, and set more than one hundred people to work through the night. Before morning a supply of cartridges was ready, and sent off to the army. Judge Peters. Mr. Robert Morris, to whom the United States is more indebted for their prosperity and happiness, than to any "It may not be generally known, but it is an inconother individual, with the exception of General Wash- trovertible fact, that the plan of the campaign for the ington, overcome by his feelings, quitted the hall with year 1781, as agreed upon by General Washington and a mind completely depressed, without a present hope, Admiral De Grasse, was to aim at the reduction of New or cheering expectation of future prosperity. On enter- York, and that the southern enterprise was never coning his counting house, he received the welcome intelli-templated until, unexpectedly, and to his extreme surgence, that a ship which he had despaired of, had, at prise, General Washington (by the French Admiral's that moment, arrived at the wharf, with a full cargo of breaking his engagements to come into New York bay, all the munitions of war, and of soldier's clothing. He and announcing his intention, through the Admiral comreturned to Congress almost breathless with joy, and an-manding the squadron at Rhode Island, to enter and renounced the exhilarating good news. Nor did propi- main, for a few weeks, in the Chesapeake) was obliged tious fortune end here. Accidentally meeting with a to change the whole plan of operations; which, from worthy Quaker, who had wealth at command, and a the powerful resources of his mind, he planned and perhearty well wisher to the American cause, although from formed in a sudden and masterly manner. An account his religious principles averse to war and fighting, he has been published, by which it appears that the count thought it no departure from the strict line of propriety, Rochambeau claimed the credit of planning the enter to endeavour, by every exertion, to awaken his sympa-prise a year before it was put in execution. A military thy and obtain his assistance. Assuming, therefore, an character who had rendered such important services to |