Ar a very early period of the session, ministers declared their determination not to bring the Corn Laws that session under the consideration of Parliament; notwithstanding which, innumerable petitions both for and against an alteration of these laws, were presented to both Houses of Parliament, which occasionally led to very animated and angry discussions. The distress of the manufacturing districts having at length reached a most deplorable height, ministers appear to have been induced by that circumstance to relax a little from their first determination, and to introduce into parliament two bills, one for the liberation of bonded corn, at certain duties, and for a limited time; the other for authorizing the Privy Council to admit the importation of 500,000 quarters of foreign wheat during the recess of parliament, should circumstances occur to render the measure expedient. The alleged grounds of these two measures were a supposed deficiency in the stock of corn in the country, owing to the earliness of the previous harvest, and the prospect of a late and deficient harvest in the current year; should which prospect be realized, corn, it was maintained, might reach to famine prices. How much truth there was in these grounds we do not take it upon ourselves to say; but we are inclined to suspect that one

great reason of the two measures was a wish, on the part of ministers, to extend a boon to the working classes, (whose feelings had ever been exasperated against the Corn Laws,) for the patience with which most of them had endured their very trying privations; and to give them a proof that the Legislature sympathized in their distresses. It was for that reason alone, indeed, that several members of both Houses supported the measure, though, viewing them apart from it, they could not acknowledge either their efficacy or their expediency. It was distinctly declared by ministers that the two measures were meant to be temporary in their nature, and that any decision which Parliament might come to regarding them, should not at all compromise the question as to the principle of the Corn Laws, which was to be left as open for discussion as ever.

In the House of Commons, May 1, Mr Canning spoke as follows:-" I rise, sir, to give notice of my intention to submit to the House, to-morrow, a measure for some modification in the Corn Laws, with reference to the existing distresses in the manufacturing districts. The accounts received this morning of the sufferings of the people, in these districts, are such a must deeply affect every human

heart not altogether callous to the distresses of our fellow-creatures. Whatever may be the expediency of interfering in this way for their relief upon general principles, there are some cases of such peculiar hardship, that they call for extraordinary measures for the immediate alleviation of the calamity, as far as that can possibly be done by any regulations that can be adopted. The measure which I intend to propose appears to me the best calculated to meet the existing evil, and the least objectionable in point of principle that can, at present, be devised. In the neighbourhood of the places in which the distress is most severely felt-in the ports of Liverpool, Hull, and other seaports-there is a considerable quantity of bonded corn, which cannot, as the law at present stands, be brought out for sale in this country. What I propose is, that a law should be passed for enabling the proprietors of bonded corn to bring their grain into the market. The amount of bonded wheat is understood to be from 250,000 to 300,000 quarters; and the infusion of this quantity into the corn market may prove beneficial to the people, without any material injury to the agricultural interests. But as we cannot, at this time, be sure of the state of the next harvest, I mean further to propose, that in the bill to be submitted on this subject a clause should be inserted to enable his Majesty in Council to open the ports for the admission of foreign corn, either partially or generally, at the discretion of government, during the recess of parliament, in case such a measure should appear to be necessary or expedient. With respect to the opening of the ports-if that shall be found expedient I propose, that the minor duty of twelve shillings per quarter should be imposed upon foreign grain imported into this country. I believe the regular mode of proceeding will be, to move to-morrow that the House go

into a committee on the Corn Act of 3d Geo. IV., with a view to the introduction of the measure now in contemplation; but I wish it to be distinctly understood, that I do not mean to propose any alteration in that act, beyond the two points which I have mentioned."

Mr Tierney rose to express his great gratification at the measure proposed, and his entire concurrence in its propriety.

On Mr Canning's, next day, moving the order of the day for the House resolving itself into a committee on 3d Geo. IV. cap. 60, respecting the corn laws,

Sir T. Lethbridge said, to the first proposition of the right hon. gentleman, that of letting out the corn in bond on paying a duty of 12s. per quarter, there might be no objection; but it was to the next proposal, that of enabling government to permit the importation of foreign corn at their discretion, that he wanted now to call attention, because it involved the whole principle of the Corn Laws. But a little fortnight ago, when an hon. member (Mr Whitmore) had proposed to deal with the whole system of the corn laws, the proposition had been overruled by a large majority. He would ask what had arisen since to justify the alteration which had taken place in the opinion of ministers? The distress now complained of existed then, and it was only because it had been of longer duration, that it was now greater. There had been no rioting then, and he had heard, he did not pretend to say how truly, that the cause of the riot since, might be in a great measure attributed to the manner in which that question had been treated in the House. He, however, was much more disposed to attribute those riots to the distress. -Much was to be hoped in relief of the present distress, from the charity of individuals. The poor-rates were also available. Even, if it were necessary, a pecuniary grant might be proposed, in aid of the poor-rates; and

or his own part, he was of opinion that it would have been a much more ra→ ional and justifiable course than that vhich was now contemplated. It was tated by the right hon. gentleman that he quantity of corn now in the counry under bond, consisted of 250,000 or 300,000 quarters. He had reason o suppose that the quantity was unlerrated: and from the account given y Mr Jacob, he found that 600,000 quarters formed about one week's conumption in England; whence, suppoing this statement to be correct, it was bvious that the introduction of such a quantity as was said to be in bond, could have little effect in alleviating he present distress. He therefore hought, that under the pretext which was held out, the real object was to get rid of the Corn Laws by a side-wind. He was sure that imposing a duty of 12s. a-quarter on foreign corn, would have the immediate effect of throwing out of cultivation a vast quantity of and, and that distress similar to that which had been felt in 1821 and 1822 would again be experienced. Would it be said that the manufacturers were entitled to the protection which it was now proposed to give them, at the expense of other and not less important interests? It was plain, from Mr Jacob's report, that the continental growers of corn regulated all their operations by the state of the British market. So long as they could command high prices in the markets of this country, the corn growers of the continent encouraged their crops. When, in 1821 and 1822, their importations were checked, the cultivation of corn was given up, and wool was grown to a great extent instead. It appeared by the returns, that in 1821, 7 millions of pounds weight of wool were imported; in 1822, 11 or 12 millions; in 1824, 18 millions, and in 1825, 42 millions. Who then could doubt that the immediate consequence of the proposed mea

sure must be to reduce the importation of wool, and to increase the importation of corn? Without going further into the principles of free trade than as applied to corn, he contended that it was impossible to put that upon the footing of other articles until it had been relieved from the burdens which it at present bore to the same extent. Let the House look at the expenses which the country had to pay. Look at the amount of the annual revenue; look at our immense establishments, and say whether it was possible to make corn cheap. They must consider that they had 30 millions yearly to pay the public creditors.

Mr Bennet said, that even those who advocated this measure did not pretend that it would remedy the distress. If, then, it was not likely to act as a remedy, what could be said to induce the House to adopt it? He was much more disposed to attribute the distress to the change in the currency than to the Corn Laws. If the price of corn was not greatly reduced, the present measure would not alleviate the distress; and if it should be reduced to a considerable extent, it would transfer the distress from the manufacturing to the agricultural classes.

Mr Canning assured the hon. member (Mr Bennet) that no man could think more unworthily of ministers than they would think of themselves, if there were any foundation for the charge, that they were attempting, by a sidewind, to alter the established system of the Corn Laws. For the present measure, he proposed it under peculiar circumstances, without the slightest reference to the merits of the general question. There existed in this country a large quantity of corn, which had been imported under a law which forbade its coming at present into circulation; upon the very site of the gra naries in which this corn was lying, there was a grinding and destructive

distress; then could there be a question as to the propriety of at once let ting that corn into circulation, and so gaining a considerable immediate relief at little or no sacrifice on the part of the community? This was the first part of the measure proposed: the second was to give government a power, prospectively, to admit foreign corn, in case an extreme necessity should make it, in their estimation, advisable to do so. Now, he was no alarmist as to the quantity of corn in the country, nor did he know how far prices were likely to rise; but for the last six weeks, no matter from what cause, we had had a rising market; and there were symptoms of a rising market still. This was so clearly the case, that he thought that the bonded corn admitted would have no more effect than to prevent a farther rise. As the law stood, if, between this time and August next, corn did not rise in price to 80s., whatever the distress or inconvenience, nothing could be done. It might rise to 79s., and the distress might be most pressing, and still no relief could be had. To provide against these contingencies, go. vernment now desired to be furnished with authority. Personally, they felt the power to be an infliction, but it was one which they preferred submitting to, to incurring the risk of mischief.-The observations of the hon. member (Mr Bennet) as to amount of duty, seemed to him founded in error, because the question was not one of amount: a reviving trade, with a high price, would assist the country more than a modified price with the existing state of commercial affairs.

Mr Bankes said, that there was a prevailing opinion among the lower classes, that they were suffering from the operation of the Corn Laws; the right hon. gentleman, who denied in words that this opinion was well-founded, admitted it in spirit; for it was by tam

pering with the Corn Laws that he proposed to relieve the distress. What would the letting in of the bonded corn avail? Suppose it reduced corn to 30s. a-quarter, how would that help people who had no money to buy it at any price?

Mr Robertson thought that the mea sure proposed would serve only to aggravate the existing evil. The distress arose from a failure of demand consequent upon the recent commercial distresses, and from the glut of British manufactures which existed in all the markets of the world. If the bonded corn was allowed to be brought into the country, the agricultural interest would take the alarm, and a panic would follow its introduction, which it would not be easy to allay. He had a proposition to submit to the House, which would extend the most effectual relief to the distressed manufacturers, without injuring the interests of the landed proprietors. He proposed that the House should grant a sum of moneyhe would name half a million—which should be placed at the disposal of government for the relief of the distressed districts. The way in which this relief could be best effected would be to let government, with this sum, purchase the bonded corn, and the money collected in subscriptions throughout the country might repurchase this corn for the relief of the starving manufac turers at 30s., or less than half its present price; and not only would that measure produce the effect of alleviating the present misery, but it could be effected without injuring in any way the landed interest.

Mr Whitmore. Under the present afflicting circumstances, he was of opinion that the measure proposed by government would have the best effect; and, looking at the existing distress, he was persuaded, that if Parliament separated without alleviating that distress

as far as might be practicable, consequences the most disastrous would follow.

Colonel Wood said, that in answer to the hon. gentleman's (Mr Whitmore's) observation that this country had hardly grown corn equal to its consumption, he would state that for the last seven years the country had been living on its own produce, and no importation had taken place. He had no objection to let out the bonded corn at 12s.; but he thought it impossible to look at the discretionary power which was proposed to be invested in government with respect to the importation of foreign grain, without reference to the Corn Laws.

Lord Milton.-Unless he was much mistaken as to these calamities and their causes, the remedy now proposed had no relation to them. It was not want of food which was the grievance. The manufacturing interests were now suffering the extremity of distress which had assailed every commercial house about six months ago. It was not a want of food, neither was it a want of capital in the country; the real want was a want of credit; and his complaint against ministers through out the session was, that their measures had a tendency to destroy the remaining credit of the country, and to prevent its revival. With respect to the proposition for a vote of money to relieve the distressed population, his opinion was, that if private individuals were called upon to subscribe, the Legislature should come forward. Paupers were entitled to parochial relief: in the present case, the manufacturers of Lancashire were the paupers, and the state was the parish.

Mr Calcraft thought that no measure was more likely than the present to create disunion between the agricultural and manufacturing interests. Taking off the restriction on foreign corn would have no effect in relieving the

distress; neither could individual subscriptions do it. When it was recollected what had been done for the Russians and the Hanoverians, the artizans would think it strange that Parliament did not do something for them. He hoped that ministers would not persevere in the second proposition, but that a vote would pass for the relief of the distressed manufacturers.

Sir J. Newport would vote for the committee, on the express condition that it be an instruction to it, that after considering the question as to letting out the bonded corn, it should afterwards take into consideration the general question of the Corn Laws, in order to see how far the second measure proposed would be proper, under present circumstances. He would add, that whatever might be expected from the issuing of bonded corn, it was his opinion that it would be ineffectual unless accompanied with a pecuniary grant.

Lord J. Russell thought it was matter of just complaint against ministers, that they had a few days ago refused to interfere with the Corn Laws during the present year, and now proposed a direct interference, as a necessary means of relief. As to the letting out the bonded corn, the necessity of such a measure would of course depend upon the stock of corn now in the country. He was of opinion that the corn about to be brought into market would not have much effect in lowering the price of corn. He would now come to the second measure-that of giving to Government the power of opening the ports during the recess. He for one would hesitate before he left such a power to the discretion of ministers— a power which, by opening the ports even at the duty of 17s., might in the course of a few months so fill the country with foreign corn, as to destroy the agricultural interests for years to

come.