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tional capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appeilation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought anu triumphed togetuier : the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the mots commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprize, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvemeni of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it bring's from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East, suppies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength, of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.... Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, wlie. ther derived from its own separate strength, or from an aposlate and unnatural connection with any forciyn power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels en ini. mediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from externi; danger, a less frecuent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inesiimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afilict neighbouring countries, not -tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be suificient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and enabitter.....Hence, likewise, they will aroid the necessity of those over-grown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty ; in this sense, it is that your Union ouglit to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the cca. tinuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic de sire....Is there a doubt whether a coinmon gorernment can embrace so large a sphere ?....Let experience soive it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope thai a proper organization of the whole, with the ausiiiary agency of governments for the respective sul-divisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, alfecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterising parties by Geographical discriminations, « Norihern and Southern, Atlantic and Western ;” whence designing nich may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a reel difference of local interest and views. One of the expec.
ents of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other disiiicts, You cannot shield yourselves too much againts the jea. lousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these niisrepresentations : they tend to render alien to each other those who' ought to be bound together by fraternal afiec. tion. The inhabitants of our western countı y have lately had an useful lesson on this head : they have seen, in the negociation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratifi. cation by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in thia universal satisfiaction at that event, throughout the United Sates, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated aniong them, of the policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests, in regard to the Mississippii : they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Gieat Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union, by wliich they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ?.
To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a gos* vernment for the whole is indispensable No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upory full investigation and mature deliberation, completely frce in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing, within itself, a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enicined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty,
The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitution of government; but, the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with real design to direct, controul, counteract, or awe, the regular deliberations and actions of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprizing minority of the community ; and according to the alternate triuniphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now end then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled, men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroving afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as pecessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constituion of a country ; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interest, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guarddian. It is indeeed little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprizes of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and so maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with a particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solmn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exist under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightíul despotism....But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent, despotism. The disorder's and miseries, which generally result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual : and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight)