An Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Commerce, from the Earliest Accounts

A. D.

1701

The confiderable linen manufacture of France, enabled the French memorialift to make this remark and it is to be hoped, Britain and Ireland will foon be enabled at home to fupply the fortments of linen drapery for our Weft India ifles.

Next follows a brief reprefentation of the prefent ftate of the French American ifles, viz. "1. The small island, with the terra firma of Cayenne" (on the coaft of Guiana, in about five degrees of north latitude)" comes first in view. Its coafts are about fixty leagues in ex"tent; though not above twelve are inhabited.-Its foil very good, and its fugars near equal "to the white fugars of Brafil.-It has not above fix hundred white people, and about two "thousand negroes. So that this large tract of land is almost uninhabited.-And being fitu"ated in very near the parallel of the Moluccas, where the fine fpices grow, it is believed it might be easy to cultivate them there; and thereby fave the purchafing of them from the "Dutch. The rather, in that the Portuguese, on this fide of the river of Amazons, in a fitu❝ation more distant from the equinoctial line, have cinnamon." This, however, is of a baftard kind, and worth very little.

"2. Granada, near Martinique, is about twenty-five leagues in circuit. Its white inhabi"tants about two hundred, and negroes fix hundred produces fugar, excellent indigo, cot"ton, &c. Its foil is good, and the colony might be confiderably augmented.

3. Martinique, or Martinico, is the principal colony.-About fixty leagues in circuit; "has a good foil, abounding in fugar and cocoa, with fome indigo, cotton, &c.—It had formerly three thousand five hundred men bearing arms, and fixteen thousand negroes."Now, in our days, thought to have more than quadruple that number." It has three good "harbours, feveral good roads for fhipping, and two fmall unwalled towns, with a good fort "at Cul de fac Royal." How vaftly is this ifle improved and fortified fince that time.

4. Guadaloupe has a pretty good foil, producing fine fugar, cotton, and ginger.-It is not peopled ;"—(how different is the cafe in our days, as we have very lately experienced) — "though it had formerly one thousand five hundred men bearing arms, and eight thousand negroes.

5. The foil of Marigalante is pretty good. It produces fugar, indigo, cotton, and gin66 ger. It was taken in the last war by the English, who afterward abandoned it; though it "has not been able to recover itself; having as yet but three or four fugar plantations.

6. Santa Cruz had formerly fix hundred men bearing arms, and many fugar plantations. "It was abandoned last war, because difficult to be kept, and its inhabitants tranfported to St. Domingo. Yet this ifle is a very good one, producing fugar, indigo, and cotton; has a "good and fafe harbour, and a very good bafon for careening of fhips." The French have fince fold this ifland to the King of Denmark for near feventy thousand pounds fterling money, according to fome accounts.

7. The laft colony is St. Domingo, or Hifpaniola; about five hundred leagues in cir"cuit. The one half of it is poffeffed by France, from Cape Francois to the ifle of Vaches, "and the Spaniards have the other half." (We have elfewhere related how France first settled here.) "At Cape Francois there is a good port, nine hundred men bearing arms, and "two thousand negrocs.-Leogane's diftrict is confiderable.—It is the feat of the French go"vernor and fovereign courts.-It had two thoufand men bearing arms, and fifteen thoufand

negroes.-Petit Guavis has a good port; had fix hundred whites, and two thousand negroes. "There are fome other ifles," fays this Council," as Les Haintes, St. Martin, and St. "Bartholomew; but of very little importance, and almoft uninhabited." 3

After

A. D.

1701

After reflections on thofe ifles being badly conducted by a company, and of the selfishness, &c. of exclufive companies in general, they add, "it is not the Canada Company's fault too, "that that colony is not entirely ruined. It is," say they, "a most certain maxim,—That "nothing but competition and liberty in trade can render commerce beneficial to the ftate. "And that all monopolies, or traffic appropriated to companies exclufive of others, are in"conceivably burthenfome and pernicious to it." Next they condemn "the Guinea Company, as enhancing the price of negroes.-And that, in time of war, like the dog in the manger, they would neither carry negroes from Guinea themfelves, nor fuffer others fo to "do, being poffeffed of exclufive powers.-That the many prizes taken during the last war "from the English, have fhewn to France how rich and useful that commerce is.-Where"fore they urge the abolition of all companies.-Alfo the lowering the duty on fugar, and the permitting of French fhips to carry that commodity to foreign ports directly." (Both which, to our coft, has been fince effected.) "About forty years ago," (i. c. about the year 661) fays this memorial," the French were little verfed in commerce and navigation it "was therefore then thought neceffary to form companies, for engaging them to beat out "tracks of commerce for the King's fubjects, which then were unknown to them.—Yet fuch "exclufive grants ought only to be for a limited number of years." (Several fuch, however, do exift in France even to this day.) They go on to inveigh againft fuch exclufive grants; fuch as,

"Firft, That to the port of Marfeilles, having the fole trade to the Levant.

Secondly, The East India Company.

"Thirdly, The prohibiting of foreign raw filk to be carried to Nifmes, Tours, Paris, &c. "till it had paffed through Lyons; thereby tending only to make it dearer.

Fourthly, Divers farms of certain merchandize in trade,, &c. deftructive to the freedom "of commerce."

In treating of the trade of France to Spain, we learn the infinite quantity of merchandize of all kinds then carried thither.-Concerning which country, (Spain) they truly remark, "that "the Spaniards, who have within themselves wool, filk, oil, wine, with an excellent foil, producing many things proper for the fuftenance of life, and for the establishing of noble "manufactures; and are in no want of good ports both in the Ocean and Mediterranean ; "do, nevertheless, neglect all thofe advantages. Whence it follows, that they stand in need "of the affiftance of other nations, who thereby exhauft her of her gold and filver, and fetch ❝away her raw materials for their own manufactures; as the raw filk of Valencia, Granada, "Murcia, &c. to France.-The wool of Caftile, Arragon, Navarre, Leon, &c. to England, "Holland, France, and Italy; for the very manufactures with which they afterwards fupply "Spain. That, in return for the French manufactures, &c. fhipped for Cadiz, and thence "in the galeons to Peru and Mexico, they have cochineal, indigo, Vigonia wool, hides, &c. and (in peaceable times, over and above, before the laft wars) they received in money a ba"lance of eighteen or twenty millions of livres, and by the flotas feven or eight millions "more.-But," fay they," for fonte years paft, fince the English, Dutch, Hamburghers, "and others, have imitated fome of our manufactures, it is certain that our returns," (i. e. the balance in favour of France) "are reduced to a fmall matter.-They with his Catholic Majefty" (King Philip V.) "would lay afide entirely the Spanish garb," (which is never altered)" and introduce French fashions;" (this has been a harvest to France in almost every country

A. D.

1701 country of Europe)" and abolish the ufe of English bays, fo much worn in the Spanish do"minions, both in Europe and America, &c. for the benefit of France."

In fpeaking of the French Levant trade, they fay," that the English carry on that trade "with much more advantage than the French, their woollen cloths being better and cheaper. "The English alfo carry to the Levant, lead, pewter, copperas, and logwood, which are "goods they are mafters of; together with a great deal of pepper; and, that they may not "drain their country of its gold and filver, they also take in dry fish of their own catching, fugar of their own colonies, and other goods of their own product, which they fell on the "coafts of Portugal, Spain, and Italy, for pieces of eight, which they carry to the Levant to "make up a stock sufficient for purchafing their homeward cargoes:-Upon this plan, it would "be more advantageous for France to permit her ports on the ocean to carry on this trade di"rectly to the Levant, without being obliged, ever fince the year 1669, to unlade at Mar"feiiles on their return, under pretence of preventing their bringing in the plague; which "has obliged them to relinquish that trade entirely. And by the edict of 1685, twenty per "cent. was laid on all Levant merchandize imported, for preventing the western ports from

being fupplied therewith, as they had before been, from England and Holland.-Thus "Marseilles alone thrives in this commerce; although by its being a free port,-by its nearer "fituation to the Levant, and by her fettled correspondence there,-Marfeilles would always "have advantages enough over the ports of the ocean, without the distasteful and impolitic "exclufive trade."

To all which the Deputy from Marseilles replied,

First, "The towns on the ocean can neither in themselves, nor in their neighbourhood, "find consumption for divers grofs merchandize which the Marfeilles fhips are obliged to "take in for making up their lading.

Secondly, "The duty of twenty per cent. was laid, as above, for preventing the English "and Dutch Levant goods from being run into France, by the ports of Dunkirk and

"Rouen.

Thirdly, "Marseilles has within herself and her neighbouring provinces, all kinds of ma"nufactures and affortments proper for the Levant trade, &c." To this the Deputies from the ports on the ocean replied, by denying moft of the allegations of Marseilles. And fo the difpute ended for that time.

We have too much ground to lament the great increase of the French Levant commerce, and the decrease of our Turkey Company's commerce, fince the Memorial of that Council. This new board further represented to the King's Council, (after declaring, that it was no derogation from nobility-i. e. in the English fenfe, from being a gentleman, -to be a wholefale merchant, though not a retailer; and that gentlemen, who are merchants, should for the future in all affemblies precede other merchants.) "That the appellation of Merchant being "too general and extenfive," (Marchands, in France, fignifying retailers, as well as what we in England properly call merchants; as, marchand-drapier, for a woollen-draper, &c.) “it "is neceffary to settle a distinction ;—and that those who trade by wholesale by fea or land, "be named Negociants, and that retailers only be called Merchants: and no retailer to take "the name of Negociant, under a pecuniary penalty; and a like penalty on mechanics ftiling "themfelves merchants.'

That board further proposed, "the fuppreffing the duty of fifty fols per ton, as far as con❝cerns the shipping of the northern crowns, thereby to allure them to trade with France, on

A. D.

1701 as advantageous a footing as the Dutch do, who had that duty remitted by the peace of "Ryfwich. That the principal end for laying on that duty, was, to confine the coafting navigation to French fhipping alone, which had before been wholly carried on by foreign bot"toms, much to the prejudice of France. But as it alfo affected the voyages of the English "and Dutch to France, thofe two nations were obliged to lay a like duty on French fhips "coming into their ports.

"It was very provident of the Dutch to obtain a remiffion of that duty, fecing, by the "French cuftom-houfe books it appeared, that the Dutch had poffeffion of almoft all the commerce of France to thofe northern nations: that duty, before the Dutch were exempt"ed, yielding seven hundred thousand livres yearly, but now only one hundred thousand.— "That the moderate duties in Holland gave the Dutch confiderable advantages; as does alfo "their good husbandry in their navigation, fcarcely imitable by any other nation. Thus do "they retain navigation and trade to themfelves, and get into their hands the effects of other nations, felling them again to great profit. By fuch methods they have made their pro"vinces the ftorehoufe of Europe, from whence other nations are obliged to furnish them"felves." (A good view this of the grounds of Holland's being fo great a ftorchoufe.) "In brief, the Dutch having thus made themfelves mafters of the inland trade of France, by the "help of Refugees," (fettled in Holland)" and by commiffions from the new converts," (i. c. the Proteftants of France profeffing the Catholic religion)" and the factors they have in all our ports, they there fell goods cheaper than even the wholefale merchants of France can do ; "and are enabled to fupply the French retailers as well as the northern nations, with affort"ments of goods. So that, whilft this is the cafe, no wholefale bufinefs can be managed by "the French, nor any great commerce carried on directly between the French and the nor"thern nations.

For all which reafons, this board propofes, to fupprefs the faid duty of fifty fols

per ton.

"Or elfe, to prevent the entrance into France of all commodities of the north, which fhall "have been before landed in any other country, and shall not be brought hither dire&ly from "the place of their growth or manufacture."

To all which the Deputies from Nantes replied :

"That the Hollanders trade to the Baltic was fo well fettled, that they will ever govern the "prices of all merchandize going to, or coming from, the north. Becaufe, carrying thither "their own manufactures and merchandize, and efpecially their fpices, of which the northern "people are very fond, they can afford to take off the corn, timber, iron, copper, flax, hemp, &c. of the north, at high rates, and yet they are generally cheaper at Amsterdam "than in the places they are brought from; becaufe of the great gains they" (the Amfterdammers) "make by the affortments they carry to the north.-And the Dutch commerce to Portugal is likewife on the fame footing. For thefe, and fuch-like reafons," faid the Nantois, "we fear we cannot depend on our being regularly fupplied with every thing regularly "from the north.-The Dutch, morcover, take off very great quantities of our wines and "brandies, which they brew, mix, and fit to the taste of the northern people.-These reflec"tions are applicable to Hamburg as well as Holland, which city is likewife a ftaple or store"houfe for all the trade of the north, and is ufually very helpful to us in taking off our "commodities, and in fupplying us with what we want. Another powerful reafon is, the frequent

A. D.

1701 "frequent alteration of our coin, which abfolutely prevents foreigners from fending us their fhips and merchandize."

To all which, the other Deputies of this board replied, in substance:

"That it was plain thofe of Nantes owned the cvils complained of; particularly, that the "retailers in France carry on a disadvantageous trade with the Dutch. And that it is certain"ly more fure and profitable to us to fell our goods at home, than to carry them to the nor"thern people to fell. In the first cafe, it is we who give the law; in the other, we receive "it. No merchant is ignorant of the effects of this difference; the one being ever profitable; "the other very uncertain, and often very pernicious, and the common fource of bankrupt"cies." They add, a little further: "We have heretofore feen five thousand foreign thips "come into the kingdom to take them off," (i. e. the native product of France,)" but our "being deprived of trade with the English, and our duty of fifty fols per ton, have interrupt"ed this great commerce.”

Yet, with this otherwife fagacious Board's leave, that feeming advantage of foreigners coming to fell their goods in our ports, is really but a short-fighted one; fince the advantages accruing to a nation:

I. By the freight of ships which carry out their own, and which go to fetch the goods of other nations.

II. By the immenfe quantity of provifions confumed therein.

III. By the many trades and workmen fupported by fitting out the fhips.

IV. By the nursery of failors, and, in confequence, the increase of naval power, which those five thousand ships would produce, were they French, are of infinitely greater advantage than that one confideration by them before-named. It muft, however, be admitted, that as most of the merchandizes of France are perishable, this pofition of their new Board of Commerce, is, perhaps, more applicable to France than to any other nation in Europe.

In further anfwer to those of Nantes, this new Council of Commerce" difallows, that "corn and other commodities of the north are fold cheaper in Holland than in the places "from whence they are fetched.-For," fay they, "this never happens but when the quan"tities imported into Holland are fo large that they exceed the confumption or demand for "them in this, therefore," say they, "there is nothing extraordinary, being the cafe every "where eife.

V." As they plead only for having the northern goods brought in alone, and directly from "the places of their growth and manufacture, without being first landed in any other coun"try, they cannot believe that the Dutch will, on France's making fuch a regulation, fuffer "above four thousand fhips, which they employ between France and the northern nations, "to lye rotting in their ports :-But rather than not be employed, will let them fetch the nor"thern merchandize directly from thence into the ports of France, as now propofed."

Befide the faid objections of the Deputy of Nantes, he of Marseilles urged, "That the "voyage from Dantzick, or even from Copenhagen, to Marseilles, is too long for a ship to go and come with certainty in one feafon, confidering the ice, and the long nights and "that therefore there is no avoiding the ufe of entreports," (i. e. middle-way, or half-way ports) for the trade of Marfeilles."-This remark puts us in mind of what we noted in the preceding fixteenth century, concerning Antwerp's fitnefs for the general ftaple, ftore-house, or entreport for the commodities of both the northern and fouthern nations, founded on this VOL. III. objection

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An Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of ..., Volume 3