facts, still it seems probable that they will be allowed to remain for the consideration, at least, of posterity in the indefinite degree of proximity to the present generation.

"Ericsson's Caloric Engine," may perhaps partially displace the present locomotive agent, but the difference will be found to rest more on the point of economy than on any other, it being what we may define as "a dry steam engine that does double the amount of work, at one half the present average expense."

Come what may, however, "Erin go Bragh!"

It will not be irrelevant to state here some information which has reached us, in reference to the different projects which are to be seen in Mr. Fortescue's excellent pamphlet. It would appear that the present Lord Dungannon, incited by the convincing nature of the arguments used by the author, has taken the Holyhead and Kingstown question into hands, and that we may indulge every reasonable hope of yet seeing 400 feet boats running on that line. Mr. Fortescue received a handsome letter from the "New York, Newfoundland, and London Submarine Telegraph Company," on the subject of his pamphlet, and a recent notice informs us, that they have already altered their intended eastern terminus from Galway to Valentia; that line being said to be ninety-five miles shorter, and have sent out the Arctic to mark the route. As to this statement of the distance, opinions differ; but for better, for worse, there is now very little doubt that with the completion of the Foynes Railway, the establishment of Valentia as a Packet Station will soon be an accomplished fact; and thongh some of us may regret that Galway is not the site, still we must all rejoice at beholding the realization under any shape, of a wish which we so long and so dearly cherished. There will soon be a line from London, via Great Western Railway, South Wales, Railway Steamer to Waterford, Waterford and Limerick Railway, and Railway from Limerick to Foynes; thus perfecting the communication between New York and London. Halifax, regarding which we have given an extract, bids fair to be soon in communication with the Lake districts; and "the Montreal and Liverpool Steam Company's" ships, have commenced running. The state of the central American question renders the Panama Canal doubtful, but the route up the river Atrato, with a short cut to the river Obispo, is supposed to be still in contemplation. The Ceylon Railway is framing, and has already issued its prospectus. A short time since, the report of the surveyed route from Lurg via the Bitter Lakes,

to Tiurk Bay, was published as the one determined to be adopted; at the same time the Railway from Cairo to Lurg is in course of construction. The Cape of Good Hope Railways have been signal failures, but since 1854, Railways and Telegraphs have sprung up in Australia. There have been constructed recently, submarine lines of telegraph, connecting Sardinia, Algiers, Malta, and Alexandria; and General Chesney's expedition to survey the route via Euphrates and the Persian Gulf, speaks of advancement in another quarter. The Dover and Calais Submarine Railway, has not yet been sum marily condemned. These facts must constitute cheering intelligence to all, and are far more eloquent than language, in showing the great strides which civilization is taking in every region of the globe; they also go far to promise a speedy ful filment of that prophecy, which asserts that the earth will yet be engirdled by a belt of electricity, by which intelligence can be almost instantaneously conveyed to its remotest ends. All countries will derive benefit from these universal Railway, and Telegraph systems; their commerce will be increased, new knowledge acquired, the principles of philanthropy extended, and the motives leading to warfare almost completely removed. This latter assertion is perfectly obvious, for it is quite clear that a better understanding between nations will be the natu ral result of a more intimate intercourse; and in like manner that the vast mutual advantages that intimate intercourse will assuredly bring about, will act as powerful drag chains upon the bellicose tendencies, to which humanity has hitherto been an unresisting victim. But the most precious fruit of such enterprises should be plucked by Ireland; for not alone is her situation the most favorable for profiting by their existence, but her exports are as valuable, and her people as intelligent as those of any country in the world; and add to this, that as she has never until now been placed in a position to compete for the prizes of nations, emulation, more in her case than in that of any other, should be a lively spur to urge her on in the race of improvement. Moreover, a small success obtained by a people who are unaccustomed to any, possesses tenfold the intrinsic worth, which a great one does to those to whom it is no novelty; for unexpected fortune enhances the pleasure of the receiver, and wonderfully increases the value of the blessing. May we not most legitimately expect important results to this country, from every great commercial speculation

which connects her with its designs? We are aware of her position, her resources, we know the physical and intellectual vigor which are the properties of her sons, and we have seen what those qualities have effected in every clime in which a field was laid open for their development; it is only then natural to conclude, that when their own land has been made the platform upon which the fabric of social improvement, and national wealth, may be constructed, unimpeded in its rise by the storms of unprofitable agitation, each stone cemented by honest determination, and the spirit of its builders buoyed up by the healthy breath of well grounded hope in its completion, not maddened by the intoxicating influence of dazzling theories, and extravagant day dreams, the children of that land will satisfactorily demonstrate that nothing but the opportunity was wanting to let the world see, that those attributes of industry, and perseverance, which they have manifested with so much honor to themselves, in England, in France, and in America, may be brought to still greater perfection at home, under the shadow of their native hills, each, " sitting under his own fig tree."

N. J. G.

ART. VII-IRISH CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT. The Irish Church. Speech of Edward Miall, Esq., one of the Members for Rochdale, in favour of the Impartial Disendowment of all Sects in Ireland. Delivered in the House of Commons, May 27th, 1856. London: Effingham Wilson. Dublin: McGlashan and Gill.

The remark has more than once been made by travellers who have visited the site of some celebrated battle, that nature seemed to have designed the locality for the great event which it had witnessed. There is too much of fancifulness in the consideration thus suggested to allow of its claim to any very serious attention, and yet the remark is not altogether inapt, for the simple reason, however, that the natural military advantages of a position will assuredly be recognized, and so far as possible turned to account by the leaders of armies approaching each other to decide a bloody issue. Meantime,

full many a contest of paramount importance and influence in the strife of nations has pealed its thunders and struck its giant blows, and in brief, been acted out through all its tremendous details to the mighty catastrophe that concluded it, upon a theatre as little suitable as possible for extensive military operations.

Instances of a similar aptness or inaptness, fitness or unfitness, occur in the world of opinion and political movement, as in that of military action; with a similar apparent preponderance of the apt and the fit. Political warfare, like that which has its bloody arbitrement in the actual stricken field of fight, boasts of its own peculiar strategy, and that similar main point in it, of taking the adversary in the circumstance and moment of his least preparation. And while it is undoubtedly true that, in the following out of this strategy, a theme or an occasion will often be seized upon and made use of, which shall possess of itself the attributes of worthiness and appropriateness, yet full many a great moral struggle has been engaged in, and carried on to its decisive issue under circumstances the reverse of what could be considered grand and befitting.

It is not within our design, nor indeed within our province, to follow out this train of thought so far as even in a general way to indicate the cases which are adducible in instance and illustration of the foregoing remarks. There will be quite enough in a review of the single subject which we proposed to deal with in the present paper, to occupy fully all its allotted space. That subject-one which every day is assuming larger and larger proportions and a deeper and higher importance to the people of these countries-is the question of Religious Liberty. The consideration of its actual state at this moment-its prospects for the future, and the circumstances and result of its latest presentation in the lists of public and parliamentary controversy-will prove amply sufficient for the extent of pages which the other important topics treated of in the present number of THE IRISH QUARTERLY REVIEW will permit being placed at our disposal.

As in all other matters of disputation, the most advisable thing in reference to our present theme is to begin by a sufficiently full and accurate definition of terms. By Religious Liberty, then, we explain ourselves to mean not the mere permission or license openly to profess and practice whatever

forms of religion, however widely differing from each other, or even mutually adverse, the citizens, subjects, or inhabitants, of a state or kingdom may chance to favor, as individuals, or as communities, There is something beyond this which must be secured before the full meaning of the term "Religious Liberty" can be realized. The differing sects or denominations must be set free, not only as to internal restrictions, but as to external obligations. To their existing liberty of profession. and practice of their own particular creeds, there must be superadded an entire freedom from exaction or contribution of any sort towards the maintenance of the ministers, and the worship or establishment of any other. In short, Religious Liberty to be worthy of the name must be really liberty—i.e. -the absence of all species of coercion, oppression or repression, beyond what the interests of society require in all cases for the maintenance of public order and the equal rights of all. This, then, is the definition-clear enough and simple enough we should hope-that we adopt in proceeding to review the subject chosen by us for the present paper.

The next step in our progress is to bring under the reader's attention the degree or measure of Religious Liberty, which is actually enjoyed in these countries. Members of the Church of England-the church by law established-have nothing to complain of in this respect, or so very little in the apprehension even of the most fancifully or hypercritically conscientious, as to be scarce worth a hasty notice in passing. They have to make no species of direct contribution, or payment whatever, towards the support in any manner or degree of any religious community other than their own. Indirectly it is true that they do pay someting. Out of the common fund made up by the general taxation of the United Kingdom-to which fund they of course individually contribute in the same way as everybody else there are certain allocations madecertain small allowances and salaries here and there to Roman Catholic and dissenting clergymen for certain purposes and services recognized and required by the state. Thus, Maynooth College has its grant of a few thousands annually, for the education at home of Roman Catholic priests, instead of leaving them under the inducement or necessity of going to a foreign Roman Catholic Institution for the purpose. Thus the Presbyterian Ministers have their Regium Donum. Thus too the services of Chaplains of the Roman Catholic and