*

है

she was forced to travel out of her way to make many political sacrifices, in order to negotiate treaties on commercial subjects. From the time of Louis XIV. down to the last reign, this appeared the rule of her policy. The misconduct and bad government of her allies were, in consequence, continually embruing her in difficulties not of her own originating. But how different is now her situation! It may safely be affirmed, that she is not obliged to court the alliance of any nation on the globe for securing a vent for her products. In every case, she has more to give than she can expect to get; and if interference hereafter take place in European politics, it should rest solely on grounds of justice to the weak, and not for any selfish consideration of personal benefit. We have no occasion now to renew the Methuen treaty with Portugal: all its most prized commercial advantages' we may derive through our own transatlantic settle ments. Nor need we again lavish our troops and subsidies to Prussia, to preserve our trade in the north. The supplies we once solely obtained from thence, we can now obtain from Canada, On the other hand, if the preservation of national dignity force us to wage war with any of the great powers of Europe, we are not obliged to follow their operations into distant parts, and there maintain the colonial balance on the same principle as the balance of parent states is maintained in Europe; rivals in colonial dominion are no more. The

power of France in the East has terminated; and in the West Indies she possesses colonies just sufficient to excite her apprehension against the hostile arms of England, and to incline her to peaceful alliance.

But while we are thus independent, it by no means follows, that it leads to exclusion of friendly intercourse with our neighbours. The more we have in our power, the more likely is our alliance to be courted. It could never be for a moment supposed, that commerce, depending upon so many sources, and constantly in a state of change, could be tied down to any unalterable rule for regulation. Alliances with neighbouring states should always proceed on the basis of commercial advantages bestowed upon the subjects of the two trading states respectively. Is it not strange, therefore, that it has never occurred to the opponents of the colonial system to consider the immense resources. which an English Minister has at command in foreign negotiation, were he to propose to open trade to our colonies under certain modifications. Supposing vague general views at an end in diplomacy; that commercial intercourse were not attempted to be guided by the detached legislation of this country alone, as has been the case of late years, but that it were made the subject of, and reciprocally regulated by, national treaty; that, according to the rule of common sense, if a boon were conferred on one side, equal specific advantages

F

should be conferred on the other; how much might not an English minister expect, if he understood his craft, and dexterously played upon the cupidity of foreigners, in painting advantages derivable from the opening of colonial trade. Who, having ever travelled on the Continent, is ignorant of the prodigal opinions there entertained of the value of that trade, both by governments and people?

67

CHAPTER II.

OF THE MEANS OF ENCOURAGING THE COLO

NIAL AND FOREIGN POSSESSIONS OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

WHEN a nation possesses a number of settlements, situated in different parts of the globe, but similar to each other in soil and climate, it is an object of the first importance not to create unnecessary or injurious rivalry amongst them.

It is proper, therefore, to discriminate the principles on which the regulations of the parent state should be founded.

The possessions of Great Britain may be divided into two distinct classes :

1. Colonies peopled by Great Britain, which are

essentially identified with the home territory -such as the West Indies, Canada, and New South Wales.

2. Possessions peopled by foreigners, which have been conquered by force of arms, or ceded by treaty; these are, the East Indies, Ionian Islands, and some settlements in Africa.

A very short outline will show the advantages which the former possess over the latter.

In colonies, it has been observed, that both ends are British the capital employed in supplying

them with manufactures from the mother country, and the capital employed in raising the produce of the colony. Their commerce, therefore, is essentially domestic. goula adra molder.

The possessions peopled by foreigners have but one end British; that engaged in supplying them with manufactures. It cannot be said that the profits arising from the cultivation of their lands directly benefit the mother country. These possessions are valuable, merely because they give security to trade, and extend the political power and influence of the parent state.

In addition to this leading feature, in which colonies differ from conquered territories, it is evident that, in the former, wider and more efficacious means exist for the dissemination of British manners, and with them a predilection for commodities produced by British industry. The beneficial ef fects of this operation have already been illustrated with regard to colonies compared with independent states; but it is evident that colonies have also the advantage over conquered territories. If 500 be expended in the furniture of a house, after the eastern fashion, probably not 50l. worth of it may be of British manufacture; but in a British colony, daily imitating every change of fashion in the parent state, the minutest item would be British.

Another advantage which colonies possess over conquered territories, consists in their greater security. Colonies are so closely identified by