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of everything you have supplied all your wants. You have gained battles without cannon, crossed rivers without bridges, made forced marches without shoes, bivouacked without brandy, and oftentimes without bread. The Republican phalanxes, the soldiers of liberty alone could have endured what you have endured. “Thanks be to you for it, soldiers. Your grateful country will owe to you its prosperity, and, if your conquest at Toulon forebode the glorious campaign of 1793, your present victories forebode one still more glorious. The two armies which so lately attacked you boldly, are fleeing affrighted before you; the perverse men who laughed at your distress, and rejoiced in thought at the triumphs of your enemies, are confounded and trembling. But, soldiers, you have done nothing, since more remains to be done. Neither Turin nor Milan is yours. THE ASHES OF THE CONQUERORS OF TARQUIN ARE STILL TRAMPLED UPON BY THE MURDERERS OF BASSEVILLE. There are said to be some among you whose courage is subsiding, and who would prefer returning to the summits of the Appenines and the Alps. No, I cannot believe it. The conquerors of Montenotte, Millesimo, Dego, and Mondovi, are impatient to carry the glory of the French people to distant countries.” Thus spoke Napoleon, the commander-in-chief of the army of the republic of France and Italy. Why fought this army all these battles? What did the French republic with the land she conquered? The northern part of Italy conquered by Napoleon was converted into small republics, in which civil and religious liberty had full sway. Whatever may have been the crimes of France, whatever the atrocious deeds of the red reign of terror, no voice from history can deny but that it was the intent of France to give liberty in things religious to the oppressed peoples of Europe. This France purposed; this Napoleon did. The climax of Napoleon's speech is interesting. His statement that “ashes of the conquerors of Tarquin are still trampled upon by the murderers of Basseville,” was one calculated to fire to a white heat the warlike passions of his immortelles. The directory of France commanded General Bonaparte,
above all things, to make Rome feel the power of the repub
lic. All the sincere patriots of France, insisted on this. The pope who had anathematized France, preached a crusade against her, and suffered her ambassador to be assassinated in his capital, certainly deserved chastisement. The French government insisted that the holy see should revoke all the briefs issued against France since the commencement of the revolution. This secretly hurt the pride of the ancient pontiff. He summoned the college of the cardinals, which decided that the revocation could not take place. The French government now decided to destroy the temporal power of the pope. Bonaparte, however, was not quite ready for this. With the exception of some of the most violent spirits in France, the French government and people had but little desire to injure the spiritual power of the pope. This was particularly true of Napoleon. He cared little or nothing whether the doctrines of the creed of St. Athanasius, or of some other creed succeeded. It was nothing to him whether religionists held that there was such a place as purgatory or not. He cared naught for the doctrine of the immaculate conception, or any of the more purely religious teachings and tenets of the Roman Catholic Church. What he and the French people objected to was the way in which the pope had anathematized the civil and religious liberty for which they fought. They detested the papal power, because that power had called all the monarchs of Europe to arms against them in their struggle for freedom. These things lay at the bottom of the whole trouble between France and Rome.
At the outbreak of the French revolution, the nobles and the clergy left France in large numbers determined to gather armies in other nations and invade their native land and destroy the revolutionaries, together with the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity which were their watchwords. The pope immediately took the lead in arousing the kings of Europe against the people of France. By bulls, edicts and encyclical letters he warned the crowned heads of Europe that they must destroy the hydra-headed monster of civil and religious liberty which had commenced to grow in France. He did not content himself with defending the great maxims of the church, but he constituted himself chief of the reaction movement in Europe, and boldly declared himself conjointly responsible for the ancient regime in France.— “The Battle of the Century,” by P. T. Magan. “When Napoleon left Italy and repaired to France, from thence starting on the famous expedition to Egypt, with the consent of the Directory, he placed in charge of the army of Italy, General Alexander Berthier, the soldier who had
fought so faithfully by the side of the American colonists in their struggle for freedom across the blue Atlantic. “The grandees of Rome, who had acquired some of the knowledge diffused throughout Europe during the eighteenth century, loudly murmured against such a feeble government, and said it was high time the temporal rule of the Roman states should be transferred from the hands of ignorant Monks, unacquainted with secular affairs, to those of real citizens experienced in the business of life, and possessing a knowledge of the world. “On December 26, 1797, the French embassy in Rome was attacked, and General Duphot, who was only anxious to preserve the peace, was fired upon by the papal troops and killed. This produced a great sensation, and then it was that the Directory of France ordered General Berthier to march upon Rome. He arrived on the Ioth of February 1798. His soldiers paused for a moment to survey the ancient and magnificent city. The castle of St. Angels quickly surrendered. The pope for the time being, was left in the Vatican, and Berthier was conducted to the capital like the Roman Generals of old in their triumph. The Democrats, at the summit of their wishes, assembled in the Campo Vaccino, in sight of the remains of the ancient forum, and proclaimed THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. A Notary drew up an act by which the populace, calling itself the Roman people, declared that it resumed its sovereignty and constituted itself a republic. “Meanwhile pope Pius VI, had been left alone in the Vatican. Messengers were sent to demand the abdication of his temporal sovereignty. There was no intention of meddling with his spiritual authority. He replied that he could not divest himself of a property which was not his, but which had devolved on him from the apostles, and was only a deposit in his hands. This logic had but little effect upon the republican generals of France. The pope treated with respect due to his age, was removed in the night from the Vatican, and conveyed into Tuscany, from thence he was taken to Valence, France, where he died, attended by a solitary ecclesiastic, and for two years there was no pope.— “The Battle of the Century,” P. T. M. June 5, 1815, at Waterloo, the nations of Europe were gathered together against France, and the highest bravery which ever astonished history fell to ruin; those who had conquered Europe fell to the ground having nothing more to do or to say, feeling a terrible presence in the darkness. Those who had delivered the people of Europe from tyranny were conquered by the perverse men of those nations. Was it possible that Napoleon should win this battle? We answer, No! Why? Because of Wellington? Because of Blucher? No! Because of God. For Bonaparte to be conqueror at Waterloo was not in the law of the nineteenth century. Another series of facts were preparing in which Napoleon had no place. The illwill of events had long been announced. His fall had been decreed by One to whom there is no reply. Napoleon grieved the heart of the Father of all. A power above man controlled that day; and Napoleon's military monarchy vanished like a dream. The Congress of Vienna had made treaties. The treaty of the Holy Alliance was signed September 26, 1815. It