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"It is the market-day for the soul," continued Maria, "and the spirit that lays not up a good provision for the days to come will surely feel the pressure of spiritual want before the dawn of its successor. Who experiences aright the cheerful glow of gratitude that should mark this day, holy of the Lord and honourable?' Few of us connect the gorgeous visions of St. John with the record of his being in the Spirit on the Lord's day.' Oh! it is brimful of golden opportunities to all."

"But Maria, do you not agree with us in esteeming it, according to our own Church's definition, a feast-day—a time of cheerful relaxation and enjoyment?"

"Most decidedly a feast-day, but of what kind? I know for a truth of many of high profession who advocate an increase of mere carnal pleasures on this day, and thus totally abuse the spirit of the ordinance. It is a day of special mercies, and as it has been said, 'special mercies call for special duties.' The Lord on this day makes a feast for his saints, of 'fat things, and wine on the lees well refined.' He calls us not to fleshly indulgence, but soul edification; to the joys of his amiable tabernacles, and the calmness of closet communion. See then that we refuse not him that thus speaketh."

"Yet tell me," said Janet," do you not like that the body as well as the soul should feel the change of the day? Do you not like to see the decent mechanic roving with his laughing little ones in the healthy fields, and even, if in London, to mark the comfortable appearance of the poor man's hot dinner?"

Maria shook her head. "I am no bigot," she replied," and I do love to see anything that can properly increase the comforts of my poorer brethren and sisters. But these things that you have cited I must heartily disapprove. For very few of the poor that have a care for the Lord's-day as such would be wandering about with their families as we know that so many do; and as for the hot dinner I cannot but cordially denounce a practice that keeps one of the family from the means of grace, and concentrates the thoughts and cares on the things of time. Men will strive harder to procure enough for the usual joint on Sunday than to buy the coat or bonnet, whose want is alleged for absence from their church. I know the world would sneer with utter contempt at my illiberality and weakness, but I do not think you will do so, my kind Janet."

Hugh had finished with the paper, which he pushed to his sister; but her eye caught the solicitous glance of her friend's, and she quietly folded it up, and slipping it into a drawer, said, "Not to-day, Hugh."

"Not to-day?" he repeated. "Really, Maria, I give you great credit for your arguments, of which I caught something as I was conning the Charge. But why reprove my looking at a sacred subject because handled in the naughty pages of a news journal?'

"Because I think it a grievous breach of privilege, and calculated to injure the soul's prosperity. We should avoid even the appearance of evil. Bishops' Charges seldom afford matter for anything but mental doubt and open controversy; thanks to the enemy's tares in our field. But do not encourage me to err in the same matter by rejoinders and opposition. On the day in which we commemorate Christ's resurrection, we should be wary of falling out by the way. I am anything but unwilling to talk a little more on this subject, but not to-day. I would on Sunday be all appetite for the promised supplies of grace. 'Open thy mouth wide, and I will fill it.' If we thought so, we would not be employed with the trifles of earth. Let our motto to-day be that of the Epicureans, but consecrated to a better meaning, 'Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.'

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"Bravo!" cried the curate. "Maria, you shall have your wish, and we will have no more disputes to-day. Would God we were all of one mind and one spirit in all things!"

"Amen!" she replied, "and that wish might be spared were we assured of our positive union in Christ. Then the chord of sympathy would vibrate a response to the utterance-Sirs, we are brethren."

"Well, unity is indeed a blessing, and, whatever be our ideas of its nature, let not you and I, my dear friend, fail to pray for it. Let every one be fully persuaded in his own mind, and quit his own conscience, by agonizing for the glorious end. But, as we are so veritably pugnacious on most of these points, I propose that a discreet silence be maintained by us during Sunday's duration, and then, on the return of the six days, we must make amends by battling over these points, and seeing if we cannot so come to terms as to produce one mind on them. I should be sincerely thankful. But it will be time very shortly to adjourn to our school-rooms, and you had better at once put on your bonnets to accompany me."

They left the room accordingly, and Hugh passed into a small inner apartment, ornamented with many handsome prints, chiefly of the subjects of church architecture, and stored with a large quantity of books. When the ladies returned to the breakfastroom, finding him absent, they stepped into the garden till he should join them; and Maria was unfeignedly glad to see as they passed by his room, the figure of the young curate in the attitude of prayer, with the Bible outspread before him. "It is a blessed posture," she thought within herself. "With supplication and the sword of the Spirit what difficulty shall be invincible?" He seemed to hear their footsteps, and hastily arose from his devotions, and soon appeared beckoning them to the gate leading to the school-house. Maria knew him too well to fear there was formality, much less anything like a desire to be seen in the recent exercise; and a bright colour mantled in her cheeks as she

met his cheerful glance, and walked across the daisied meadow to enter among the young Sabbath scholars.

It is a sweet sight, that of children, for whom Christ died, assembling to hear of the wonders of his love. He loses a really precious enjoyment, and a really profitable exercise, who refrains from the interesting labour of training the young in the paths of peace. And this is especially applicable to the ministers of Christ, who are anxious to hasten the spread of his kingdom in the rescue of souls from destruction. In days of religious warfare and schism, when the enemy lieth in wait to deceive, and when the future reign of civil and spiritual peace, or of intestine commotions and tumults, depends so much, so very much, on the bias given to the minds of the generation which, now in their childhood, shall then be the bustling actors in the scene; it is surely incumbent upon all to strain every nerve in the successful establishment of Sunday-schools, to be conducted under the immediate eye of the pastor, and by labourers whose hearts the Lord hath opened, and to be maintained "decently and in order" by that lively zeal and interest, whose continuance can only be ensured by the love of a regenerated soul. A flock of children so taught may present to the eye of the political student a fair picture of the superiority of the Gospel to all the wisdom of man, which is proved, bitterly, but undeniably proved, to be utter foolishness. The man is either lamentably callous, or fiercely opposed to the progress of godliness, who will breathe a whisper against the institutions we would here commend to the hearts of all. To men who love their altars and homesteads, to women who care for the security of their babes, to children themselves who would hope hereafter to worship their fathers' God with their fathers' freedom, to the whole race of considerate and thinking creatures, we would plead on behalf of Sunday-schools, where the bread cast in the sower's prayers of faith upon the muddy and stagnant waters shall yet be found (hath He not said it?) after many days. The shafts of Infidelity in its rank blasphemy, and of Romanism in its foul malignity, are cast at the smiling prattlers that make glad the hearths of our village cots, and shall we be held guiltless if we strive not to snatch them as brands from the burning, and to plant them in that vineyard where they shall know and rejoice in the simplicity that is in Christ?

(To be continued.)

THE IRISH POLICY OF THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT.

To the Editor of the Protestant Magazine.

SIR,-The policy of the present Government towards Ireland is developing itself more distinctly every day. It is indicated

beyond all mistake in the appointment of the present LordLieutenant. Not a single word is intended in disparagement of the character of that Noble Lord in any respect whatever. Only it may be supposed, from his long association with foreign countries and foreign courts, he is well qualified to administer a policy which hardly seems to recognise the distinction of a Protestant constitution, much less to defend it. No doubt the Noble Lord discharged his duties as an ambassador honourably and efficiently. But in the states upon the Continent he must always have beheld the Protestant religion placed in any other situation rather than that of favour and protection. And the "Morning Chronicle," which is well known to be the organ of the Radical and Popish party, expresses itself well pleased with the appointment of Lord Heytesbury, on account of what the Noble Lord has been accustomed to witness abroad in his official capacity; and exultingly appears to look forward to the introduction of the same liberal system, as it is called, into Ireland. Indeed, we know too well that it is quite abhorrent to the genius of modern diplomacy to descend to occupy itself with questions of religion. And for any one in our day to say that one religion is preferable to another, or to be called the true faith-all this is considered as nothing but sheer ignorance of the world, narrowness of mind, low breeding, and vulgarity of sentiment. Where is there a state or a potentate in the present time that would stand forward in defence of the truth as our own Elizabeth did against the Holy League, or as the Elector of Saxony did at the dawn of the Reformation?

Well, then, since the Prime Minister has shewn a disposition to capitulate for the surrender of our Protestant fortress in Ireland, and we may see the white flag already flying on the walls, perhaps, under this view of the case, a more suitable Viceroy could not have been selected. In fact more than one interview has already taken place betwixt the garrison and the besieging parties. Soon after the new Lord-Lieutenant had entered upon his office, a deputation waited upon him from the Remonstrant Synod of Ulster, out of whose machinations originated that iniquitous measure, the Dissenters' Chapels Bill. They expressed unbounded gratitude for the favours they had received from the Government. His Lordship fully entered into their feelings, and gave them to understand that his policy would be conciliation in the largest sense, which, from past experience, we all know means nothing else than downright concession. This, no doubt, the deputation well understood to be the plain English of the expression. A few days since four heads of the Romish hierarchy,-Archbishops, as they may now style themselves,-presented themselves to solicit an augmentation of the Maynooth grant, and met with a most

favourable reception. This, every one is aware, is one of the intended measures of the approaching session.

Such kind of treatment must, of course, be extremely disheartening to the Protestants and Conservatives of Ireland. The following is the complaint of one of the organs of the Conservative press in that country on the occasion of the liberation of O'Connell :

"One thing is certain, that unless a different policy is pursued towards the loyal Protestants of Ireland, they will become estranged from a nation which, of late years, has treated them with gross ingratitude! Look at the apathy and the carelessness displayed by the Protestants of Ireland as regards the registries, both in counties and in cities, particularly in Dublin,-look at the indifference with which they view the threats and denunciation of the Repealers against England; and what has occasioned this change? The deadly, the absurd, and ruinous policy adopted by England towards the Irish Protestants, in robbing them of those privileges which their forefathers justly secured by their bravery, and which their sons were entitled to retain from their devoted loyalty! Is there a Bill about to be introduced in the British Parliament respecting Ireland; the wishes, the complaints, the unjust and ruinous demands of the Irish disaffected, are endeavoured to be appeased, whilst the interests and feelings of the loyal Protestants are outraged with impunity. Can such a state of things exist; can Ireland be retained to England, when the policy adopted by Her Majesty's Ministers is to insult and rob the loyal, in order to confer power on the disaffected, who boldly proclaim their intentions? No; years of contumely, insults, and ingratitude, have had a most alarming effect on the minds of the Protestants of Ireland, and this must be apparent to any man who communes with the middle orders, and becomes convinced of the feelings of disgust engendered in their minds by the disgraceful policy of the Ministry, and their indignation at the exaltation of the enemies of England and depression of her friends. Let any person

endowed with common sense view the proceedings of the Conciliation Hall on Monday last the rejoicings for the liberation of the conspirators-the feelings of triumph-nay, of the absolute certainty of Repeal implanted in the public mind, and he will be at once convinced that the temporizing policy of Sir Robert Peel is only aiding in the accomplishment of Repeal! Bold, vigorous, and determined measures must be adopted, or Ireland will be severed from England, or else all the horrors of a civil war will ensue, and the prosperity of Ireland be retarded for centuries to come."

And just cause indeed have the Protestants and Conservatives to complain, not only of the policy of the Government, but that they are deserted by the Protestants of England. Not a single effort is made, not a hand stretched out to aid and rescue them. Can Protestants here do nothing? Can they not send one petition to Parliament on their behalf, against the grants for Maynooth, and the national system of education?

If it could be shown that this sort of policy objected to, tended to tranquillize the country, there might be some excuse; but unhappily murders of the most dreadful and appalling kind seem to be as frequent as ever.

Nov. 19, 1844.

A PROTESTANT.

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