"the catholics outcasts of a protestant monarchy, and leave "them no option but a republic; such a policy and such argu"ments tend to make Irish cathol.cs, French republicans.' "You are trustees," said he again, "to preserve to Great "Britain the physical force of the catholics of Ireland, and no"thing but you can forfeit it--not religion-not the pope-not "the pretender—but your proscription, which argues that the "franchise of the catholic is incompatible with British con"nexion, and of course teaches the catholic to argue that British ❝connexion is incompatible with catholic liberty."

In the house of peers, indeed, the opposition of the lord chancellor did not seem so violent and determined as at the first agitation of the question. This very striking change gave an air of credibility to certain rumours then in circulation. It was reported that his lordship had been reminded of his being the first native ever permitted to hold the Irish seals; and that the im propriety of departing from constant usage in his favour would become very manifest if he set himself at the head of any Irish party in opposition to what had been decided on by the English cabinet. The doctrine to which he owed his elevation was that the government of Ireland should be subordinate to that of England, and as such was the condition of his appointment, he must concur in the measures of those by whom it was conferred.

The bill, however, was not only opposed but procrastinated; in its different stages, by circumstances that seemed scarcely. accidental, and created frequent anxiety and suspense in those. who were to profit by its success. While this uncertainty was hanging over their heads, and restraining their exertion for any other political object, parliament carefully separated the ques-, tions of reform and catholic emancipation, which the dissenters, and reformers so ardently wished to unite; for it repaired the error it had fallen into through indecision, when it consented to the committee on the state of the representation. At the first

sitting

sitting of that committee on the 9th of February, Mr. Grattan proposed three resolutions, stating, "That the representation of the people is attended with great and heavy charges in consequence of the elections and returns of the members to serve in parliament, and that said abuses ought to bé abolished."

"That of the three hundred members elected to serve in parliament, the counties and counties of cities and towns, together with the university, return eighty-four members, and that the remaining two hundred and sixteen are returned by boroughs and

manors."

"That the state of the representation of the people in parliament requires amendment.”

In the speech by which these resolutions were prefaced, he asserted, that of three hundred members, above two hundred were returned by individuals; from forty to fifty by ten persons; that several of the boroughs had no resident electors at all; some of them had but one; that on the whole, two-thirds of the representatives in the house of commons were returned by less than one hundred persons.

The resolutions were opposed by Sir John Parnell, the chancellor of the exchequer, who proposed instead of them, but in the form of an amendment, "That under the present system of representation the privileges of the people, the trade and prosperity of the country have greatly increased, and that if any plan be proposed likely to increase those advantages and not hazard what we already possess, it ought to be taken into the most serious consideration" After a long debate this resolution was carried by a repentant majority of an hundred and fiftythree to seventy-one.

Notwithstanding

Notwithstanding the inauspicious bodings which were caused by this division, the Ulster convention met at Dungannnon on the appointed 15th of February. When it was assembled, Antrim, Down, Londonderry, Tyrone, Donegal and Monaghan were found to be very fully represented several districts in Armagh, Fermanagh and Cavan had totally failed to meet, or ap' point any delegates. On the whole, however, it was considered a more complete representation of the province than either of the preceding meetings, because the delegates had been chosen directly by the whole people, which was not formerly the case.

In order to prevent any danger from the coming together of violent or factious men, the gentlemen of rank, property and moderate principles, were anxious to be chosen, and were very successful. This body after a sitting of two days came to a decision in favour of the absolute necessity of a radical reform, including the unqualified and immediate admission of the catholics. A resolution was also entered into, declaring in very pointed terms the protest of that province against the war with France, another was likewise passed expressing disapprobation of the militia establishment, as tending to supersede the volunteers.

For, among the strong measures which were proceeding at least pari passu with the catholic bill, was one for raising sixteen thou sand militia in Ireland. An augmentation of five thousand men was also made to the ordinary establisment of twelve thousand regulars. Besides, obviously in order, by preventing the volunteers from being supplied with arms or ammunition, to strike at their existence, and to throw every practicable impediment in the way of the people's arming, a bill was passed to prevent the importation of arms and gunpowder into the kingdom, and the removing or keeping of arms or gunpowder without licence. Directly after the assent had been given to this bill the artillery belonging to the liberty corps in Dublin was seized, that of the merchants"

merchants' corps was taken by private agreement, and the lawyers with a public procession gave up theirs. The houses of gunsmiths and others in that city that were suspected as containing concealed arms were searched, and every manifestation given there, that the volunteers were to be no further tolerated than should be agreeable to administration. An alien bill was also enacted similar to that adopted in England.

These bills were agreed to in parliament, with so much readiness on all sides, that opposition could not be charged with clogging the wheels of government. Both parties concurred in the necessity of repressing faction and sedition; while the United Irishmen and their adherents thought that opposition `forfeited all pretence to public confidence, by consenting to such measures, at least before any advance had been made to correct the acknowledged radical vice in the representation.

Sir Lawrence Parsons, indeed, pressed strongly that this reform should be included in the same bill, and incorporated with the restoration of the catholic franchise, which he imagined would secure both by uniting the nation in one common interest. "But sever these measures," said he, "and what is the conse"quence? The minister will think that he has gratified so great "a part of the people by the catholic measure, that he may ven"ture to controul the rest; and under this delusion he may ❝ crush the reform. And what a multitude of mischiefs the rejection of the reform would produce, it is for you to consider "after the public expectation has been so much excited upon ❝ it. Or if you say that the catholics having got franchise "would join in calling for reform, true; but what would the "minister think? that the catholics having obtained so much, “would abate much in their fervour. He would hope, after he had drawn off by the catholic bill so great a portion of discon

66

tent, that he might venture for a while to leave the rest to fer

"ment, resolving however at his leisure to put a heavy curb on $6 your future exertions."

of

During this part of the session, another subject occupied the serious attention of the upper house of parliament. Disturbances had broken out, and outrages were committed in the county Louth, and the neighbouring counties of Meath, Cavan and Monaghan, by persons of the very lowest rank in life, associated under the name of defenders. This body had its origin in religious persecution, and was an almost inevitable consequence of the system, according to which Ulster had been colonized and settled, and Ireland ruled since the reformation. In that province English and Scotch planters had been established on the forfeited lands of the native catholics. These last were for the most part obliged to retire to the bogs and mountains; but even there they were not permitted to loose the remembrance of their forefathers, their power and opulence, in the tranquil enjoyment of security and content. The bogs and mountains afforded them no refuge against the acts of uniformity and supremacy or the accumulating oppressions of the popery laws. Nor were the wretched inhabitants exempted by their defenceless condition from the hatred, contempt and persecution of their privileged and arrogant neighbours. Hence arose a mutual, rancorous ani mosity between the new settlers and natives, or in other words between the protestants and catholics, transmitted from genera tion to generation, until at last it became more violent and into lerant than in any other part of Ireland.

The volunteers by the benign influence of their institution, had for the first time considerably abated this spirit, and by their successful activity, as military men in keeping the peace, had prevented its receiving fresh provocation by outrage or insult. But in proportion as that body declined or was discouraged, prejudices and hatred revived, especially in districts remote from the principal bresbyterian towns, where the growing liberality of

the