SPECIAL MESSAGE. APRIL 7, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States: I HEREWITH transmit to the house of representatives copies of a letter addressed to the secretary of state by the chairman of the board of commissioners appointed to explore the territory and survey the boundary line between the states of Maine and New Hampshire and the adjoining British provinces, together with the report of the operations of that commission to the 31st ultimo, and a profile of the meridian line from the source of the St. Croix river, as far as surveyed, illustrative of the report. SPECIAL MESSAGE. APRIL 9, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States :- I TRANSMIT herewith, to the house of representatives, a report from the secretary of state, with a copy of the correspondence [with the British. government relative to an international copyright law] requested by their resolution of the 7th instant. SPECIAL MESSAGE. APRIL 30, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States :— In compliance with your resolution of the 29th instant, I have the honor to transmit the reports of Messrs. Kelly and Steuart, two of the commissioners originally appointed, along with Mr. Poindexter, to investigate the affairs of the customhouse at New York, together with all the correspondence and testimony accompanying the same; and also the report of Mr. Poindexter, to which is annexed two letters, subscribed by Mr. Poindexter and Mr. Bradley. The last-named gentleman was substituted in the place of Mr. Kelly, whose inclinations and duties called him to his residence, in Ohio, after the return of the commissioners to this city, about the last of August. One of the letters just mentioned was addressed to he secretary of the treasury, and bears date the 12th of April instant, and the other to myself, dated the 20th of this month. From the former you will learn that a most interesting portion of the inquiry instituted by this department (viz., that relating to the lighthouses, buoys, beacons, revenuecutters, and revenue-boats), is proposed to be made the subject of a further report by Messrs. Bradley and Poindexter. You will also learn, through the accompanying letter from Mr. Steuart, the reasons which have delayed him in making a supplemental and additional report to that already made by himself and Mr. Kelly, embracing his views and opinions upon the developments made subsequent to the withdrawal of Mr. Kelly from the commission, and the substitution of Mr. Bradley in his place. I also transmit two documents furnished by Mr. Steuart, and which were handed by him to the secretary of the treasury on the 7th instant-the one being "memoranda of proceedings," &c., marked No. 1, and the other," letters accompanying memoranda," &c., marked No. 2. The commission was instituted for the purpose of ascertaining existing defects in the customhouse regulations; to trace to their true causes past errors; to detect abuses, and, by recommending wholesome reforms, to guard in future not only against fraud and speculation, but error and mismanagement. For these purposes, a selection was made of persons of acknowledged intelligence and industry; and upon this task they have been engaged almost an entire year, and their labors remain yet to be completed. The character of those labors may be estimated by the extent of Messrs. Kelly and Steuart's report, embracing about one hundred pages of closely-written manuscript, the voluminous memoranda and correspondence of Mr. Steuart, the great mass of evidence accompanying Messrs. Kelly and Stuart's report, and the report of Mr. Poindexter, extending to over three hundred and ninety-four pages, comprised in the volume accompanying this, and additional reports still remaining to be made, as before stated. I should be better pleased to have it in my power to communicate the entire mass of reports made, and contemplated to be made, at one and the same time, and still more should I have been gratified if time could have been allowed me, consistently with the apparent desire of the house of representatives, to be put into immediate possession of these papers, to have compared, or even to have read with deliberation, the views presented by the commissioners as to the proposed reforms in the revenue laws, together with the mass of documentary evidence and information by which they have been explained and enforced, and which do not admit of a satisfactory comparison until the whole circle of reports be completed. Charges of malfeasance against some of those now in office will devolve upon the executive a rigid investigation into their extent and character, and will, in due season, claim my attention. The readiness, however, with which the house proposes to enter upon the grave and difficult subjects which these papers suggest having anticipated that consideration of them by the executive which their importance demands, it only remains for me, in lieu of specific recommendations, which, under other circumstances, it would have been my duty to make, to urge upon Congress the importance and necessity of introducing the earliest reforms in existing laws and usages, so as to guard the country in future against frauds in the collection of the revenue, and the treasury against speculation; to relieve trade and commerce from oppressive regulations, and to guard law and morality against violation and abuse. As, from their great volume, it has been necessary to transmit the original papers to the house, I have suggested the propriety of the house taking order for their restoration to the treasury department at such time as may comport with its pleasure. * SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 2, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States: I HAVE this day received, and now transmit to the house of representatives, the accompanying communication from Benjamin F. Butler, having relation to the reports of the commissioners appointed by me to examine into the affairs connected with the New York customhouse. As the whole subject is in the possession of the house, I deem it also proper to communicate Mr. Butler's letter. SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 10, 1842. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : THE season for active hostilities in Florida having nearly terminated, my attention has necessarily been directed to the course of measures to be pursued hereafter in relation to the few Indians yet remaining in that territory. Their number is believed not to exceed two hundred and forty, of whom there are supposed to be about eighty warriors, or males capable of bearing arms. The further pursuit of these miserable beings by a large military force, seems to be as injudicious as it is unavailing. The history of the last year's campaign in Florida has satisfactorily shown that, notwithstanding the vigorous and incessant operations of our troops (which can not be exceeded), the Indian mode of warfare, their dispersed condition, and the very smallness of their number (which increases the difficulty of finding them in the abundant and almost inaccessible hiding-places of the territory), render any further attempt to secure them by force impracticable, except by the employment of the most expensive means. The exhibition of force, and the constant efforts to capture or destroy them, of course places them beyond the reach of overtures to surrender. It is believed, by the distinguished officer in command there, that a different system should now be pursued, to attain the removal of all the Indians in Florida. And he recommends that hostilities should cease, unless the renewal of them be rendered necessary by new aggressions; that communications should be opened, by means of the Indians, with him, to insure them a peaceful and voluntary surrender; and that the military operations should hereafter be directed to the protection of the inhabitants. These views are strengthened and corroborated by the governor of the territory, by many of its most intelligent citizens, and by numerous officers of the army who have served and are still serving in that region. Mature reflection has satisfied me that these recommendations are sound and just. And I rejoice that, consistent with duty to Florida, I may indulge my desire to promote the great interests of humanity, and extend the reign of peace and good-will, by terminating the unhappy warfare that has so long been carried on there, and, at the same time, gratify my anxiety to reduce the demands upon the treasury, by curtailing the extraordinary expenses which have attended the contest. I have, therefore, authorized the colonel in command there, as soon as he shall deem it expedient, to declare that hostilities against the Indians have ceased, and that they will not be renewed, unless provoked and rendered indispensable by new outrages on their part; but that neither citizens nor troops are to be restrained from any necessary and proper acts of self-defence against any attempts to molest them. He is instructed to open communications with those yet remaining, and endeavor, by all peaceable means, to persuade them to consult their true interests by joining their brethren at the west. And directions have been given for establishing a cordon, or line of protection for the inhabitants, by the necessary number of troops. But to render this system of protection effectual, it is essential that settlements of our citizens should be made within the line so established, and that they should be armed, so as to be ready to repel any attack. In order to afford inducements to such settlements, I submit to the consideration of Congress the propriety of allowing a reasonable quantity of land to the head of each family that shall permanently occupy it, and of extending the existing provisions on that subject, so as to permit the issue of rations for the subsistence of the settlers for one year. And, as few of them will probably be provided with arms, it would be expedient to authorize the loan of muskets, and the delivery of a proper quantity of cartridges, or of powder and balls. By such means, it is to be hoped that a hardy population will soon occupy the rich soil of the frontiers of Florida, who will be as capable as willing to defend themselves and their houses, and thus relieve the government from further anxiety or expense for their protection. SPECIAL MESSAGE. JUNE 20, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States :— A RESOLUTION of the house of representatives, of the 13th instant, has been communicated to me, requesting, "so far as may be compatible with the public interest, a copy of the quintuple treaty between the five powers of Europe, for the suppression of the African slave-trade; and also copies of any remonstrance or protest addressed by Lewis Cass, envoy extraor dinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the court of France, and of all communications from the said Lewis Cass to his own government, and from this government to him, relating thereto." In answer to this request, I have to say, that the treaty mentioned therein has not been officially communicated to the government of the United States; and no authentic copy of it, therefore, can be furnished. In regard to the other papers requested, although it is my hope and expectation that it will be proper and convenient at an early day to lay them before Congress, together with others connected with the same subjects, yet, in my opinion, a communication of them to the house of representatives, at this time, would not be compatible with the public interest. SPECIAL MESSAGE. JUNE 25, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States :— I HAVE this day approved and signed an act, which originated in the house of representatives, entitled, "An act for an apportionment of representatives among the several states according to the sixth census," and have caused the same to be deposited in the office of the secretary of state, accompanied by an exposition of my reasons for giving to it my sanction. REASONS FOR APPROVING THE BILL. In approving this bill, I feel it due to myself to say, as well that my motives for signing it may be rightly understood as that my opinions may not be liable to be misconstrued, or quoted hereafter erroneously as a precedent, that I have not proceeded so much upon a clear and decided opinion of my own respecting the constitutionality or policy of the entire act, as from respect to the declared will of the two houses of Congress. In yielding my doubts to the matured opinion of Congress, I have followed the advice of the first secretary of state to the first president of the United States, and the example set by that illustrious citizen upon a memorable occasion. When I was a member of either house of Congress, I acted under the conviction that, to doubt as to the constitutionality of a law, was sufficient to induce me to give my vote against it; but I have not been able to bring myself to believe that a doubtful opinion of the chief magistrate ought to outweigh the solemnly-pronounced opinion of the representatives of the people and of the states. One of the prominent features of the bill is that which purports to be mandatory on the states to form districts for the choice of representatives to Congress, in single districts. That Congress itself has power, by law, to alter state regulations respecting the manner of holding elections for representatives, is clear; but its power to command the states to make new regulations, or alter their existing regulations, is the question upon which I have felt deep and strong doubts. I have yielded those doubts, however, to the opinion of the legislature, giving effect to their enactment as far as depends on my approbation, and leaving questions which may arise hereafter, if, unhappily, such should arise, to be settled by full consideration of the several provisions of the constitution and the laws, and the authority of each house to judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members. Similar considerations have operated with me in regard to the representation of fractions above a moiety of the representative number, and where such moiety exceeds thirty thousand-a question on which a diversity of opinion has existed from the foundation of the government. The provision recommends itself, from its nearer approximation to equality than would be found in the application of a common and simple divisor to the entire population of each state, and corrects, in a great degree, those inequalities which are destined, at the recurrence of each succeeding census, so greatly to augment. |