britannien, 13. April 1831. No. 88. Poland, had virtually destroyed the act to which they owed their existence Gross- as a nation. But notwithstanding the just indignation to which such conduct naturally gave rise, the Emperor would adhere to the strict letter of the engagements he had contracted with foreign Powers by the Treaty of Vienna; and, in proof of this, his Excellency read to me a despatch addressed to Prince Lieven in the course of last month (which that Ambassador was authorized to communicate to your Lordship in case any conversation upon the subject took place), explaining the provisional nature of the Special Commission which had been appointed, and declaring that His Imperial Majesty, although by no means disposed to admit any right of interference with the internal affairs of his dominions, would hold to the strict letter of the engagements which Russia had really contracted with foreign Powers. In answer to my allusion to the difference that would be given to the attitude of Russia by the permanent establishment of the Russian armies on the Vistula and the Warta, his Excellency observed that he could not understand why England and France should object to this, if the two Powers who might be supposed to be most immediately interested, approved of the measure. An attempt had been made by France to alarm the Court of Vienna upon this subject, and to engage it to join in its remonstrances to the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh, but entirely without success. Count Nesselrode here read to me a despatch from M. de Tatischeff, giving an account of Marshal Maison's conversation with Prince Metternich upon the subject, and the Prince's firm and decisive answer in approbation of the Emperor of Russia's proceedings. He further told me that a similar attempt had been made at Berlin, and though he was not yet officially acquainted with the answer, be had not the slightest doubt of its being essentially the same as that of Austria. "Indeed," observed his Excellency, "what possible difference can it make to these Powers or to Europe (if the army stationed in Poland be really faithful and devoted to its Sovereign) whether it wear a Polish or a Russian uniform? If it be not faithful, and be not attached to the Emperor (as there is but too much reason to fear so long as a Polish army shall exist there), the case may, indeed, be different; but then the inference to be drawn from the demand for its continued existence must be, that the object in view is not the tranquillity of Europe, but the weakening and embarrassing of Russia, by engaging her to maintain a force upon her frontier, ready to break into open rebellion upon every favourable opportunity. If," said the Count, "we are only to retain possession of Poland upon this condition, it would be better for us to make a present of it to any Power willing to accept the offer." I strenuously denied the justice of this inference, in as far at least as England was concerned. With respect to the want of institutions in the ancient Polish provinces of Russia, a question upon which I was instructed to support any observations that might be made by the Duc de Mortemart, Count Nesselrode informed me that the Duc de Mortemart had held vague language to the Emperor, but had not given any official character to his conversation. Having made known to Count Nesselrode the feelings of the British Government upon these several points, I thought it unnecessary to push the britannien, 1831. conversation further, the more particularly as the line traced out for me by No. 88. my instructions was rather to watch over what was done on the submis- Grosssion of the Poles than to take any official steps in their favour for the mo- 13. April ment. Upon my opening myself to the Duc de Mortemart upon the subject, and expressing my readiness to co-operate with him to a certain extent, his Excellency confirmed what had already been stated to me by Count Nesselrode, namely, that he had not as yet considered himself bound to do more than to recall to the recollection of the Emperor, as well as to that of Count Nesselrode, the engagements taken at Vienna, and to express the hope of his Government that they would not be violated. His instructions, he said, were not very precise, and were applicable rather to the moment of victory (which he did not think by any means arrived), when it might be attempted to give a good direction to the well-known magnanimity of the Emperor, than to the present state of things, when all was uncertainty and doubt. ¶ The Duke then informed me that the assurances which had been given to him were perfectly satisfactory as far as they went. He had been told that the letter of the Treaty of Vienna would not be departed from; that no incorporation of the Kingdom of Poland with the Empire of Russia would take place; that the separate administration of the two countries would be maintained, though all the places in that administration might no longer be exclusively occupied by Poles; and lastly, that after the dissolution of the Polish army, arrangements would be made for supplying its place in a manner that would have no just ground for complaint to any foreign Power. My conversation with Count Nesselrode enabled me to arrive pretty nearly at the same conclusions, with this addition, however, that the present constitution of Poland will be virtually, if not openly, done away with. There will be some difficulty in dealing with this question, should foreign Powers be inclined to remonstrate upon it, as it does not appear that any particular form of constitution was guaranteed to Poland by the Treaty of Vienna. Before I close this despatch, it may be proper for me to draw your Lordship's attention to the peculiar situation in which the Emperor will be placed with respect to his own people, when called upon to pronounce upon the future fate of Poland. Vast and unlimited as the Imperial Power is upon ordinary occasions, history teaches us that there is a force of public opinion in this country, when strongly excited, which cannot be braved, even by the Sovereign, with impunity. If, after all the blood that has been spilt, and the treasure that has been expended, in the recovery of Poland, everything is placed again upon the ancient footing; and if no punishment is inflicted on the authors of the cold-blooded assassinations which took place in Warsaw on the first breaking out of the insurrection, I do not believe that, irritated and exasperated as this nation is, the exercise of such magnanimity will be unattended with danger. The cry of the nation may become too powerful for even the Sovereign to resist, and, in despite of himself, he may perhaps be forced into measures which his own nobler feelings, his own unbiassed judgment, would probably induce him, under other circumstances, to reject. No. 88. britannien, 1831. P.S. Since the above was written, Count Nesselrode has allowed me Gross- to read a despatch which he addresses to Prince Lieven by the present cou13. April rier, commenting, but in a very friendly manner, upon the communications which I made to him by order of my Government relative to the affairs of Poland. As Prince Lieven is instructed to read this despatch to your Lordship, it will be unnecessary for me to say more than that the apparent under standing between England and France upon this subject is a much grater scource of regret to this Government than anything contained in the representations I was called upon to make. Your Lordship will find this very forcibly stated in the concluding passages of Count Nesselrode's despatch. Gross 1831. To Viscount Palmerston, London. GROSSBRITANNIEN. No. 89. Hey tesbury. Der königl. Gesandte in St. Petersburg an den Min. d. Gesuch um Instruction in der polnischen Frage mit Andeutungen über die Absichten des russischen Cabinets. St. Petersburgh, October 1, (Received October 30.) 1831. (Extract) As the time is fast approaching when the promulgation of No. 89. the Emperor's decision with respect to the future fate of Poland may be exbritannien, pected, I am naturally anxious to receive from your Lordship instructions of 1. October rather a more specific and positive character than those contained in the despatch which your Lordship did me the honour to address to me on the 22nd of March last*). I am therein instructed, "that if I should find there exists any intention on the part of the Russian Government to make any material changes in the political condition of Poland, I am to watch those changes with the closest attention, and to remonstrate in strong terms against any measure which might not be in strict accordance with the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna." ¶ Now, the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna are of so vague and general a nature that an entire and radicale change may be effected in the political condition of Poland without the violation of any one of them. The Treaty of Vienna merely states: "Le Duché de Varsovie est réuni à l'Empire de Russie. Il y sera lié irrévocablement par sa constitution, pour être possédé par Sa Majesté l'Empereur de toutes les Russies, ses héritiers et ses successeurs, à perpétuité. Sa Majesté Impériale se réserve de donner à cet état, jouissant d'une administration distincte, l'extension intérieure qu'elle jugera convenable. Elle prendra avec ses autres titres, celui de Czar, Roi de Pologne, conformément au Protocole usité, et consacré pour les titres attachés à ses autres possessions. Les Polonais, sujets respectifs de la Russie, de l'Autriche, et de la Prusse, obtiendront une représentation et des institutions nationales réglées d'après le mode d'existence politique que chacun des Gouvernements auxquels ils appartiennent jugera utile et convenable de leur accorder." ¶ In the mass of documents relating to the Vienna negotiations with which your Lordship has furnished No. 87. Gross 1831. me, I find, indeed, a great deal of discussions upon other points, but no No. 89. positive engagements taken with respect to the Kingdom of Poland, beyond britannien, that of giving to it a constitution by which it shall be bound to the Russian 1. October Empire, and that of maintaining its distinct administration. The maintenance of a distinct administration is easily understood, and no doubt could possibly occur; in that case a remonstrance would be necessary. But a constitution, the particular forms of which are nowhere specified, is a term of the most vague signification. The word itself does not necessarily imply even a representative form of government, though that a representation was meant, may be assumed from the introduction of that term in the latter paragraph of the Article, which relates more particularly to the Polish provinces not included in the kingdom. But the simple word "constitution", means anything or nothing. It requires definition to be comprehended. To the constitution given to Poland after the conclusion of the Treaty of Vienna, it does not appear that the other Powers were either parties or guarantees. Indeed, it might be impossible for foreign Powers to guarantee a particular and unchangeable form of government to any country. The Emperor Alexander reserved to himself the right of giving that special constitution to Poland which he himself should consider to be best adapted to the country. Such a constitution he gave, and once given, we might perhaps be justified in holding it to be the particular form of government contemplated in the Treaty, and consequently, more or less, under our protection. But then, on the other hand, it appears that this constitution has already been altered and modified upon several occasions, without the slightest reference to foreign Powers, and without the slightest remonstrance on their part, first by the Emperor, and more recently, and more radically, by the Poles themselves, since they have thrown off their allegiance to their Sovereign. Under these circumstances, it is impossible for me to determine, without a further reference to your Lordship, to what extent modification may be carried without its being considered by the British Government to be a violation of existing engagements. Upon the subject of a national army in Poland, after all that has passed, I am thoroughly persuaded that neither Austria nor Prussia will oppose its dissolution, the more particularly as its continued existence forms no part of the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna; France may be more anxious upon the subject, but this will certainly render Russia immoveable in her determination to disband it. The general sentiments of the British Government on the Polish question are perfectly well known at St. Petersburgh. Your Lordship's conversations with Prince Lieven, and the communications I have been charged to make here, can have left no doubt upon the subject. I have been constantly assured in reply, that the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna will be strictly attended to, but this assurance amounts to little or nothing, for the stipulations themselves amount to little or nothing. Yet I am not authorized to ask more, certainly not under my present instructions, and, therefore, if your Lordship should now deem it necessary to go further, it will be expedient that your intentions should be made known to me, before any arrangements britannien, No. 89. shall be finally determined on. What it may be the intention of the Russian Gross- Government to do, after the final pacification of Poland, I believe nobody 1. October can exactly tell, nor is it perhaps altogether decided. But from the reports 1831. in circulation, I am inclined to believe, that though the kingdom will be maintained in its integrity, with a distinct and separate administration, the army will be entirely disbanded, and the constitution very considerably modified. Such measures would not be any violation of the Treaty of Vienna, however much at variance with the spirit in which that Treaty was negotiated. I have, &c. To Viscount Palmerston, London. Heytesbury. No. 90. No. 90. britannien, 1831. GROSSBRITANNIEN. Min. d. Ausw. an den königl. Gesandten in St. Peters Rathschläge zur Pacification Polens und englische Auslegung der Wiener Verträge. Foreign Office, November 23, 1831. My Lord, I have received your Excellency's despatches reporting Gross- the opinion which prevails in St. Petersburgh that some considerable change 23. Novbr. is intended to be made in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland, explaining the arguments by which that supposed intention is defended, and asking for further instructions as to the course which your Excellency is to pursue with respect to the affairs of Poland in general. ¶ His Majesty's Government have watched with unceasing interest and anxiety the progress of the contest in Poland. These feelings have been made known to your Excellency by the several communications which you have received from me, while they have not been concealed from the Representative of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia at the Court of London. You have also been apprised of the grounds upon which His Majesty's Government considered it not to be advisable to interfere directly in the contest between the Emperor of Russia and his Polish subjects. The war being now over, and the authority of the Emperor as King being completely re-established in Poland, the time is come when His Majesty feels himself justified, both by his friendship for the Emperor of Russia and by the duty resulting from the obligations which he has contracted under the Treaty of Vienna, addressing to His Imperial Majesty, in the most amicable tone, and with the deference which is due to his rights as an independent Sovereign, some observations as to the best mode of resettling the Kingdom of Poland under the dominion of the Emperor, on principles accordant with those on which its union with the Imperial Crown of Russia was originally formed, and in such a manner as may be most conducive to its future good government and tranquillity. Your Excellency has already been instructed, by my despatch of the 22nd of March last*), to express the confidence of His Majesty's Government that His Imperial Majesty would use his victory, when it should be obtained, with the moderation and mercy congenial with the high-minded and generous sentiments which are well known to animate the mind of His Imperial Majesty. It is, therefore, without any the slightest *) No. 87. in |