belligerent engaged in the war in the east of Europe, and having since received no information sufficient to justify a departure from the policy of neutrality and peace, sees no reason for adding to the burdens of the people by voting unnecessary supplies.'

Their

The debate lasted for five nights. Mr. Bright spoke on the first night to a crowded House. At the outset he declared that he did not intend to make any attack upon the Government, though they had within the last few months been guilty of much indecision, and had committed many blunders. But they had had much provocation from some of their own supporters, and it was at least to their credit that they had not been led away by the raving lunacy of the Pall Mall Gazette, or by what, if he might be pardoned for the alliteration, he would call the delirium tremens of the Daily Telegraph. Mr. Bright caused considerable amusement by his description of the delegates of the Sultan, who, he said, were scarcely to be found. Government had telegraphed to them, and they had received no answer, although they had communicated with their wivesthat being, Mr. Bright added in a parenthetical sentence, a Government which they seemed to comprehend. He deprecated the unworthy suspicion of Russia, and urged the Government not to throw their sword into the scale at a time the combatants. appeared to be about to sheathe theirs. 'I would declare this," he continued, the Government of this country ought to declare it the time is not far distant, I believe, when they will declare it—I think it is now pretty much in the mind of the people of England-that we have no interest in any longer taking any step whatever to maintain the Ottoman rule in Europe, that we have no interest in cherishing a perpetual animosity against Russia. There are two policies before us-the old policy, which, if we leave it to our children, will be a legacy of future wars; the new policy, which I contend for, and which I preach, and which if we adopt we shall leave to our country, not a legacy of war, but a legacy of peace, and a growing and lasting friendship with one of the greatest empires of the globe.'

Sir Wilfrid Lawson introduced in the course of a speech. which he made during this debate, the burden of a popular music-hall song, that resulted in fixing the name of 'Jingo' upon the war party

'We don't want to fight; but, by Jingo, if we do,

We've got the ships, we've got the men, we've got the money too.'

Mr. Lowe made merry over the vote of credit and the con

fidence trick,' and said that the Prime Minister generally took pains to show that his opinion was at variance with that of the majority of the people. He suggested a simple remedy for the present difficulties- Muzzle your Prime Minister.' Mr. Bourke and Mr. Hardy supported the vote in animated speeches, Sir. W. Harcourt remarking of the latter that he had shown the volcanic force of Cotopaxi, and Chimborazo in full flame. In the end, Mr. Forster's amendment was withdrawn, and the House decided to go into Committee by 295 votes to 96-many of the Opposition, Mr. Bright amongst the number, refraining from voting. Other discussions took place, but the vote of credit was eventually agreed to.

On the 3rd of March, a treaty of peace between Russia and Turkey was signed at San Stefano, and this was ratified at St. Petersburg on the 17th.

Great uneasiness, however, still continued to prevail in England in consequence of the attitude of the Government, and an order issued for the dispatch of Indian troops to Malta caused great excitement. The bye-elections at this period showed that the Ministerial policy was losing favour. Meetings and conferences were held all over the country; and at the Memorial Hall in Farringdon Street, Mr. Gladstone was presented with an address, signed by four hundred Dissenting ministers, strongly deprecating the war with Russia with which the country was menaced.

At Manchester, on the 30th of April, a great Conference, composed of fifteen hundred delegates from cities, towns, and various organizations, assembled to protest against the impending war with Russia. Resolutions were passed strongly condemning the Government, and demanding a Congress, or a reference of the whole quarrel to a friendly Power.

Mr. Bright presided at a great demonstration held in the evening at the Free Trade Hall. He spoke with remarkable energy and vigour. They were met, he said, at a time of great peril and anxiety. When told that the Government were acting strenuously for peace, for his part he had very little sympathy with efforts on behalf of peace which naturally led to war. The right hon. gentleman went on to review the conduct of the Government in spending the six millions recklessly, after the Commons had been assured that they would probably not be spent at all. He blamed them for having determined on a policy which neither Lord Derby nor Lord Carnarvon could endure, though the former must have suffered terribly in separating himself from Lord Beaconsfield; for representing that

the fleet had been sent into the Sea of Marmora for the protection of British interests, when it was now acknowledged that it was sent there as a menace; for declaring before Parliament adjourned that nothing was about to happen, when they were about to import thousands of Mahometan soldiers to fight against the Christian nation of Russia; and for neglecting the House of Commons, which 'either dare not ask for information, or when it asks is denied.' The English Government was the only obstacle to the Congress. The British interests' dodge had been dropped, and we were to go to war for European law, which outside these islands nobody understood. The Premier

was the only real disturber of the nation, and his object was to restore Turkey to sustain that terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman Government.' England must not repeat the error of the Crimean war.

The prospect of Turkey suffering at the hands of Russia, said Mr. Bright, was said to present a danger through which England's interest might suffer. And on this 'perhaps,' a remote and imaginary evil, we were to go to war. 'It recalls to my mind a passage in one of our poets. He says,

"On this perhaps

This peradventure, infamous for lies,

We build our mountain hope, spin our eternal schemes."

If we had Mr. Hardy's policy and that of his Government, I fear we should rush into that enormous, that incalculable crime for which language has no word but one which conceals its meaning-but a crime which involves a multitudinous murder, the shedding of torrents of blood over many of the fairest regions of the globe. I ask you here-it may not be worth while to ask any Conservative here or outside: there must be Conservatives so-called who vote for Conservative candidates, who have, I trust, some idea beyond that of the mere superiority or success of party-there must surely be Conservatives, as there are any number of Liberals, who consider great national interests and great truths to be superior to the demands of party; and I ask them whether they will be led in this career and to this terrible catastrophe by a Minister—for I hold that I am not describing the policy of the country—I am not even describing the policy of Parliament-I may not even be describing the secret wished-for policy of the whole of the Cabinet; I am describing, as far as I can gather it, the policy of a Minister-a Minister who for forty years has never yet been known of his free-will, or from an earnest or liberal mind,

to say or do anything for the advance of any of those great measures of good and of freedom which have distinguished the legislation of this country.'

This spirited attack on Lord Beaconsfield elicited prolonged cheering from the audience. Resuming, Mr. Bright said that his consolation and hope was that the love of justice, of mercy, and of peace was not dead within the minds of Englishmen. I wish that it may grow and may strengthen from day to day; and that, growing and strengthening, it may baffle a policy which is hateful in the sight of Heaven, which to my mind is profoundly wicked, and which I feel certain beyond all possibility of doubt is a policy which is hostile to and may, if persisted in, be fatal to the greatest and highest interests of the empire.' In responding subsequently to a vote of thanks, Mr. Bright, again alluding to the proposed war upon the Christian population of Russia, said with great emphasis, for no such cause as this shall the torrents of English blood be called to flow, which are apparently now on the point of being shed at the command-I will say to the people, at the betrayal of a Minister who has not one single drop of English blood in his veins.'

This was the last of Mr. Bright's important addresses upon the Eastern question. With the subsequent history of that question the reader is doubtless familiar. All that it is necessary, therefore, to say here is that the war fever in England, thanks to the energetic efforts of those who were opposed to the anti-Russian policy of the Government, gradually subsided. On the 13th of July, 1878, the Berlin Congress assembled, the representatives being Prince Bismarck, Prince Gortschakoff, Alexander Caratheodori, Lord Beaconsfield, the Marquis of Salisbury, Count Andrassy, M. Waddington, and Count Corti. A treaty was drawn up which provided, amongst other things, for the independency of Montenegro, Servia, and Roumania, the constitution of Bulgaria as an autonomous principality, the formation of the new province of Eastern Roumelia, the occupation and administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungary, and the cession of Ardahan, Kars, and Batoum to Russia. The Treaty was signed and ratified on the 3rd of August. With the conclusion of the Berlin Treaty, that question which had cost Europe many costly and sanguinary wars was once more temporarily settled.

CHAPTER XII.

PUBLIC ADDRESSES AND CORRESPONDENCE-1867-79.-DEATH OF MRS. BRIGHT.

Mr. Bright's Addresses in the Provinces.-Mr. Jacob Bright's Return for Manchester.-Political Retrospect by Mr. Bright.-Speech at Birmingham on Education and Government Aid.—Mr. Bright receives the Freedom of the City of Edinburgh. His Address on that occasion.-Elected Honorary Member of the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce.-Important Speech in the Corn Exchange.-Mr. Bright at Birmingham in January, 1875.-The Government and the Church.-The Efforts to Suppress Ritualism.-The Public Worship Bill.-Tribute to Mr. Gladstone.-Mr. Bright on the Liberal Defeat of 1874.-On Political Questions in the year 1875.-The direct Representation of Labour.-The Gothenburg System of Publichouse Management.-Social Progress.-Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Br:ght at Birmingham.-A Stirring Week.-Mr. Bright on Household Suffrage for the Counties. Speech at Bradford on Free Trade.-Opening of the New Town Hall at Manchester.-Mr. Bright on the Cotton Trade and Indian Administration.-Address at Rochdale on Science and Art.-On Liberal and Conservative Legislation.-On the Work of Sunday Schools.-Letter on Protection in America.-Correspondence on Public Questions.-Great Speech at Birmingham on Foreign Affairs.-The Eastern Question.Egypt.-The War in Afghanistan.-The Government strongly condemned. Mr. Bright on Protectionism in England.-On the Depression in Trade.-Canadian Policy.-Waning Popularity of the Beaconsfield Administration.-Conservative Demonstration at Manchester in October, 1879.-Great Counter-Demonstration by the Liberals.--Animated Speech by Mr. Bright.-Scathing Denunciation of the Government.-Mr. Bright on Education.-The Progress of the United States.-Death of Mrs. Bright.

WE propose in this chapter to deal with a series of important addresses by Mr. Bright, all of which were delivered outside the House of Commons, and at many of the chief towns in the provinces-Edinburgh, Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford, etc. The period embraced is a very interesting one, both in regard to social progress and the rapid development of popular principles in connection with Parliamentary Reform, Irish legislation, and other great subjects. These addresses are, moreover, not only very valuable for the side-lights which they throw upon the 'burning questions' of the time, but for their exposition of those ideas of Mr. Bright which have for a generation past been bearing fruit in the shape of practical legis

lation