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tence the Latin intensive has been passed over, and the adjective added by the translator: CP. 37.8 ðær he ymb his getreowne degn unsynnigne sierede (etiam devotum militem extinxit). In each case, however, the concessive relation is more or less clearly implied. There is concessive force also in the appositive noun of the following: ÆH. 1. 588. 28 Ic wundrige de, snoterne wer, þæt du dyssere lare fylian wylt; 'I wonder that thou, astute man as thou art, wilt follow this teaching.'

There are a few passages in which appositive adjectives, with oðde or ge ... ge (which ordinarily means both ... and) approach the meaning of a disjunctive concession : BR. 13. 2 for þon ge peow ge freoh, ealle we synd an Criste an (quia sive servus sive liber, omnes in Christo unum sumus; Laws 250. 4 7 þæt man heonan forð læte manna gehwylcne, ge earmne ge eadigne, folcrihtes wyrde (Latin version : statua ... nulli abstrahantur persone, nobili neque ignobili); 308. 13 læte manna gehwylcne ge earmne ge eadigne, folcrihtes weorðne (Latin version : reputetur omnis homo publica dignus rectitudine, pauper, diues, quicumque sit); LS. 1.504. 277 eall þæt he ær agylte læsse oppe mare, we lætað hit of gemynde swilce hit næfre ne gewurde. With no connective but ne: Cod. Dip. 4. 242. 30 ik hate and beode dat no man ne worde swa doerste ... dat dis ilk wharf ... breke, haded ne leawed (nullus omnino nec clericus nec laicus). In none of these cases is the concessive relation clearly marked. But the Latin constructions which the appositives translate or by which they are translated, especially sive and quicumque sit, show that these Old English constructions were sometimes felt as at least having a hypothetical turn. Nor is the content of these phrases very different from certain disjunctive concessions with

swæder or with the beo ... beo construction. Cf. with the legal passages just cited the following: Lev. 24. 22 Gilde eage wið eagan and toð wid teð, si he landes man, si he utlendisc; Laws 164. 9 onfo se his þe he hit ær ætbohte, beo he swa freoh swa deow, swa hweðer he sy. And the following sentence actually illustrates interchange of the concessive with the appositive construction: Gram. 19. 12 f. hic coruus, des hremn, sca htcher sua hit buồ, sua he sea heo; hic miluus, des glida, ægðer ge he ge heo.

B. Appositive Participles. The use of the appositive participle to express various subordinate relations, which is so important a feature of Latin syntax, naturally appears in many of the works translated from Latin into Old English. The concessive use of the participle, however, is not frequent. Callaway, in his admirable monograph, The Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon (p. 282), states that he has found in the prose twenty-five cases of the appositive participle concessively used. I have been unable to trace so many, having ruled out examples which seemed to me doubtful. In Old English, as in Latin, the construction is often ambiguous. The following early instance, not taken from Latin, may, as Callaway points out (loc. cit.) be modal: O. 250. 14 Æfter þæm Germanie gesohton Agustus ungeniedde him to friþe. Other early examples, in which the concessive element is stronger, are these: BH. 278. 18 Gif he æne siða onfongen, haten ham hweorfan, ne wille (Quod si semel susceptus noluerit inuitatus redire); CP. 153. 1 Ac monige scylda openlice witene beoð to forberanne (Nonnulla autem vel aperte cognita mature toleranda sunt).

In the works of Ælfric, in whom Latin influences were so strong, we find surprisingly little trace of this idiom. I have noted only two clear examples: ÆH. 1.550. 8 Dauid, sede, on his cynesetle ahafen, hine sylfne geswutelode þearfan on gaste; 1. 596. 35 he ne geswicð soð to bodigenne, nu twegen dagas cucu hangigende. Of these participles, the latter is more purely concessive; the former is concessivetemporal, and resembles the concessive use of the temporal clause.

Several clearly concessive participles occur in the Gospels. Two passages will illustrate the form of sentence in which they appear: M. 13. 13 lociende hig ne geseoþ and gehyrende hig ne gehyraþ (Vulg.: videntes non vident, et audientes non audiunt); L. 5. 5 ealle niht swincende we naht ne gefengon (per totam noctem laborantes nihil cepimus). Other instances : Mk. 4. 12 (two); 9. 47: L. 8. 10 (two). Gehihtende (L. 6. 35), which Callaway (loc. cit.) regards as concessive, and hiwgende (L. 20. 47) are perhaps rather modal, or modal with a tinge of concession. Dendende (L. 12. 25), which might possibly be viewed as concessive, I should consider instrumental.

THE ABSOLUTE PHRASE. Callaway has already pointed out (The Absolute Participle, p. 21) that the absolute participle is rarely used concessively in Old English. The Latin ablative absolute (ibid., p. 36) is normally rendered by a subordinate finite verb; and it is only under the influence of the Latin ablative absolute that a concessive construction of this form could arise, since no absolute participle occurs in Old English without a direct or indirect prototype in Latin (ibid., p. 51). Indeed, the concessive relation cannot be definitely indicated by so vague a construction as the absolute phrase. The appositive noun or participle, which, being balanced against some other word, more readily expresses antithesis, can suggest concession more clearly. And in fact the examples of the concessive absolute phrase to be found in Old English can usually be reduced to the category of 'attendant circumstance,' which in some contexts has an added concessive force.

Of the seldom-used instrumental absolute construction, I have observed no examples with concessive meaning. Such examples of the dative absolute as seem to me to bear the concessive interpretation are here cited. The following involved sentence contains an absolute participial phrase of temporal-concessive force : BH. 472. 21 Swa swa Brittas ... ono þa gelyfendum eft Angelfolcum 7 þurh eall well ontimbredum 7 gelæredum on reogole rihtes geleafan, hi nu gyt heora ealdan gewunon healdað (Sicut ... Brettones ... credentibus iam populis Anglorum, et in regula fidei ... instructis, ipsi adhuc inueterati ...); "though now the English believe and are thoroughly grounded and instructed in the rule of faith. In John 20. 26 we find: Se Hælend com, belocenum duron. Similar phrases occur in Ælfric. For example: ÆH. 1. 222. 12 Se de com deadlic to disum middangearde, acenned þurh beclysedne innoð þæs mædenes, se ylca, butan tweon, daða he aras undeadlic, mihte belocenre drih faran of middangearde; 'even though the tomb were closed. It is noteworthy here that the absolute construction balances a prepositional phrase, þurh beclysedne innoð, which is not concessive; and in modern speech we should be likely to replace the absolute participle by a prepositional phrase with concessive implication from a sealed tomb. In the following

sentence, I should regard both participial phrases as absolute, and as shown by the context to be concessive: ÆH. 1. 230. 12 þæt Cristes lichama com inn, beclysedum durum, seðe wearð acenned of dam mædene Marian beclysedum innote. Other examples: ÆH. 1. 230. 15, 24; 458. 27; perhaps also 1.440.30 for wærscipe gehealdenum geleafan.

ADVERBS WITH THE VALUE OF CLAUSES. Aside from fordy, already discussed, there is very little if any use in Old English of adverbs in place of concessive clauses. The nearest approach to such a substitution that I have found is in the balanced adverbs of the following sentence: Wulf. 271. 6 and þæt ure hlaford læte asmeagean be æghwylcum ende Englalandes ealle þa manfullan, þe nellað geswican, and þances odte unpances hig to rihte gebigean oððe mid ealle of earde adrifan. This of course suggests the construction which has descended to us in the form willy-nilly: ÆH. 1. 532. 7 we sceolon, wylle we, nelle we, arisan. The phrase of Wulfstan may be interpreted 'Whether they will or no,' and is probably equivalent to a concession of that form.

In another passage two contrasted adverbs appear, not forming a concessive construction, but explaining the meaning of an indefinite concession; ÆH. 1. 588. 29 þæt du dyssere lare fylian wylt, swa hu swa hit gewurde, sylfwilles odde neadunge, þæt he on rode gefæstnod wære. In the following sentence, the adverb and adverbial phrase, which at first sight bear some resemblance to a disjunctive concession, simply specify different methods: Chron. 217. 10 he ... begeat swiðe mycelne sceatt of his mannan þær he mihte ænige teale to habban odde mid rihte odde elles.

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