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main current of the reader's attention passes directly from wunder to ac: Chron. 263. 35 þa the suikes under gæton ð he milde man was 7 softe 7 god, 7 na iustise ne dide, þa diden hi alle wunder. Hi hadden him manred maked 7 athes suoren, ac hi nan treuthe ne heolden; “They had, it is true, done him homage ... but ... Cf. Chron. 68. 21; 69. 16.

An adversative is occasionally used in the first sentence of a concessive group, relating it to the second somewhat in the manner of the Latin quidem, but far more vaguely. For example: LS. 1. 498. 184 and ic donne wið eow stiðlicor aginne, donne ic tale wið eow habban wylle. Ne dincþ hit me peah nan ræd, ac ic eow læte unbeheafdod ...; "unreasonable as it seems to me, I leave you ...?

From the more or less crude sentences thus far treated, Old English prose illustrates all gradations to clean-cut and effective antithesis, in which two sentences, at the same time that their relation is indicated, remain independent for the sake of emphasis.

One group of passages to be considered comprises those in which a Latin subordinate construction is rendered by a coördinate one. I cite a few characteristic examples. A participle may be expanded into a sentence, preceding the logically more important statement: Mk. 8. 18 Eagen ge habbað, and ne geseoð ? (Vulg.: Oculos habentes non videtis ?); CP. 301. 10 Se ure fiond donne he was gesceapan ongemang eallum oðrum gesceaftum, ac he wilnode ðæt he wære ongieten upahæfen ofer ealle oðre gesceafte (Hostis ... inter omnia conditus, voluit videri supra omnia elatus). Or an ablative absolute may be rendered by a sentence: BH. 358. 1 mid þy se ylca cyning . . . here lædde to forhergianne Peohta mægde7 him swiðe þæt his freond beweredon ... þa gelædde he hwæðre here in Peohtas (cum ... exercitum ad uastandam Pictorum prouinciam duxisset, multum prohibentibus amicis). A concessive clause may also be replaced by a grammatically independent sentence: BH. 172. 21 Æghwæder heora wæs elbeodig þær, 7 hwæðre for heora lifes geearnunge geþungon, þæt heo buu wæron abbudissan (quae utraque cum esset peregrina ... est abbatissa constituta).

On the other hand, a coördinate group in a translated text may simply follow the original. The use of quidem to give concessive force to a sentence, usually with a following adversative, is of course exceedingly common in Latin, and it is sometimes copied in translation. The word used to render quidem is usually witodlice. Examples are chiefly found in the translations of the Gospels. M. 9. 37 Witodlice micel rip ys, and feawa wyrhtyna (Vulg.: Messis quidem multa, operarii autem pauci). Analogous adverbs, in the same sense, are in use in Modern English, as appears in the same text in the Authorized Version: The harvest truly is plenteous. Other instances: M. 20. 23 Witodlice gyt minne calic drincaþ; to sittanne on mine swiþran healfe ... nys me inc to syllanne (Calicem quidem meum bibetis : sedere autem ... non est meum dare vobis); Mk. 14. 38 witodlice se gast is gearu, ac þæt flæsc is untrum (Spiritus quidem promptus est, caro vero infirma); L. 22. 22 And witodlice mannes Sunu gæð... þeah hwædere wa þam men þe he þurh geseald bið (Et quidem Filius hominis ... vadit: verumtamen vae homini illi per quem tradetur). These examples vary, as do similar passages in Latin, from the combination of two sentences without conjunction (M. 20. 23) to the use of a strong adversative (L. 22. 22). Other passages where the same construction is copied from Latin: M. 26. 24; L. 23. 41; Gen. 27. 22; Coll. 99. 36.

The value of this device for linking sentences was by no means always appreciated by the translator, and there are numerous examples of its omission. Of these a few may be cited here: L. 10. 2 Her is mycel rip, and feawa wyrhtan (Messis quidem multa, operarii autem pauci); cf. BH. 88. 29 þætte her wære micel rip onweard, 7 fea worhton (multam quidem sibi esse messem, sed operarios paucos). Other instances : BH. 116. 28; 128. 3; 136. 2; 358. 21: Gen. 48. 19.

The same construction, however, appears in a few passages where Latin influence seems to be indirect rather than direct: ÆH. 1. 154.6 He worhte þa wundra soðlice þurh godcunde mihte, and mid þam wundrum þæs folces geleafan getrymde; ac hwæðre þær was oðer ding digle on dam wundrum, æfter gastlicum andgite; 2. 132. 1 þu miht blissigan gewisslice þæt Jære deode sawla þurh da yttran wundra beoð getogene to ðære incundan gife; ondræd de swa-deah...; Wulf. 34. 18 his dyrstignes witodlice dereð him sylfum, ac þæt ne dereð elles þam na þe swydor, þe þa denunga underfoð.

A sentence may also be related to the one succeeding it by a sort of concessive formula, indicating that the statement of the first sentence is to be corrected by the second. The two then form a group analogous to the quidem ... tamen period. Such groups in Modern English are introduced by "I admit,' certainly, no doubt,' and usually connected by “but. The usage in Old English is illustrated by the passages which follow: John 8. 37 Ic wat þæt ge synt Abrahames bearn: ac ge seceað me to ofsleanne (Scio quia ... estis ; sed ...); 11. 42 Ic wat þæt þu me symle gehyrst; ac ic cwæð for þam folce ... (Ego autem sciebam quia ... audis; sed ...); Jos. 2. 4 Ic andette þæt... ac ic ne cuðe (Fateor ... sed nesciebam); O. 214. 1 Ic wat, cwæð Orosius, hwæt se Romana gelp swipost is. ... Ac þær hie hit georne ongitan cupen, þonne wisten hie...; Sol. 36. 12 Ic gehyre nu þæt þu ...; ac ic wolde witan; De Temp. 13. 10 Soð ðæt is Þ seo sunne þa stod ...; ac se dæg eode forð.

Other concessive groups consist of distinct sentences apparently connected only by an emphatic and. This structure is very different from the placing of sentences side by side, without regard to logical relations, joining them by and as mere copula. In fact, the structure considered here is usually transferred directly from the Latin. The former clause is generally sententious, and has something of the same double value ascribed, in Chapter VI, to certain conditional clauses (see p. 82 above). It is seen first as an emphatic independent sentence, and then as having a concessive relation to what follows. The second clause may be a question. Examples are found mainly in the Biblical translations. These passages, indeed, have their chief interest as illustrating the early entrance into the language, from Biblical sources, of a norm of style which has persisted to our own day. In PPs. 49. 22 we find a considerably expanded version : Eall þis yfel þu dydest, and ic swugode and þolode swylce ic hit nyste (Vulg.: Haec fecisti, et tacui). A statement followed by a question : L. 8.45 Þas menegeo þe dringað and geswencað, and þu segst, Hwa æthran me? (Vulg.: turbae te comprimunt et affligunt, et dicis: Quis me tetigit?) The concessive group in a Biblical quotation : Bl. H. 69. 24 þis folc me weorþaþ mid wordum, & is þeah heora heorte feor fram me (Vulg.: Mk. 7.6 Populus hic labiis me honorat, cor autem eorum longe est a me). Other examples: M. 6. 26: L. 4. 25-27; 7. 32; John 2. 20; 3. 10; 8. 52: Num. 11. 21 : Deut. 34. 4.

Finally, we have examples of coördinate structure, neither so definitely antithetic as the type last considered, nor so explicitly connected as the periods containing witodlice. These groups are used in rapid or colloquial style, often to give separate emphasis to the separate members included, very much as similar sentences are used to-day. It is the desire to make the first clause impressive that breaks up the following period into the coördinate form; LS. 1. 344. 117 He is ofer ealle þincg ælmihtig scyppend, and he wolde swaðeah wite Growian for us. Similar in principle are the following passages: ÆH. 1. 10. 3; 48. 33; 122. 21; 592. 4: De Vet. 266. 12 ff.: Æ. Th. 444. 10: Bl. H. 225, 30.


SUBORDINATE CLAUSE. In treating conditional concessions I pointed out the fact that a clause with concessive meaning might be coördinated with a pure condition. There are many sentences in which the concessive clause seems

attracted' into the form of some other which it accompanies or in which it is merged. The result is often a gain in rapidity of style, for sub-subordinate clauses readily lead to clumsiness. Such clauses are found in Latin, and in translations from Latin into Old English. For example, John 20. 29 þa synt eadige þene gesawon and gelyfdon (Vulg.: beati qui non viderunt, et crediderunt); cf. Quot. 178. 6 ac þa beoð gesælige þe hit ne gesawon and hwæþere gelyfað. It is to be noticed that here the concessive clause does not simply follow the pattern of a clause preceding

1 Cf. the relative clauses expressing a similar idea (p. 71 above).

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