concessive meaning, translates a Latin word whose application in the original was vague: CP. 301. 25 sume menn onderfoð eaðmodnesse hiw, sume ofermodnesse, sua sua hie nyton (quidam humilitatis decipiuntur specie, quidam vero elationis suae ignoratione falluntur.); Dial. 61. 6 hi beoð full oft geypte swa hi nellað (prodantur inviti). 3. swa deah. In a very few instances, and those rather difficult of interpretation, the adversative swa deah, with a connecting dat or de, seems to be used as a concessive conjunction. This use is of especial interest as illustrating the formation of a conjunctive phrase from an adverb. The earliest passage I have noted is from Orosius: O. 136. 17 ff. Eala, cwæð Orosius, on hu micelre dysignesse men nu sindon on þeosan cristendome! Swa peh pe him lytles hwæt unieðe sie, hu earfeðlice hi hit gemænað! The Latin has here been so freely treated as to afford no guidance in interpretation. The swa peh pe clause is undoubtedly concessive, but it is logically equivalent to two clauses: 'If anything, no matter how trivial, falls out unpleasantly.' The same double construction appears with deah alone : O. 54. 34 þa, þeh pe hwa wære mid þæm cyningum on hiora gewill yfel donde, þæt hie swa þeah æt him ne mehton mid þy nane are findan? In view of such sentences as this, we may well explain swa þeh þe as equivalent to the usual deah de. We find swa deah daet followed by the indicative: HL. 184. 109 Titus and Vespasianus heora geþeaht hæfdon, swa þeah þæt Vespasianus wæs ærost gefullod. The connection here is loose (as sometimes with deah de) and the construction hovers between subordinate and coördinate. An interesting parallel in the use of the Gothic svepauh is found in a single instance: 2 Cor. 12. 15 sveþauh ei ufarassau izvis frijonds mins frijoda. Bernhardt is in doubt whether to understand sveþauh ei as 'jedoch so dass' or as 'obgleich'; but Heyne defines it without question as 'obgleich,' which would seem the more natural reading. Some instances of swa deah dot in the Benedictine Rule which look at first sight like 'although' are rather to be understood as retaining the full force of each word in the group: BR. 44. 15 swa þeah þæt omnibus modis; 70. 14 ita sane ut; etc. dum Swa deah without any connecting particle is found as the conjunction of a condensed clause: ÆH. 1. 2. 12 Ic Elfric munuc and mæssepreost, swa peah waccre þonne swilcum hadum gebyrige, weard asend ... 4. hwædere (?) Another adversative, hwædere, may perhaps be regarded, in a single passage, as a concessive conjunction: ÆH. 1. 158. 14 Wenst ðu þæt he nyste hwet se blinda wolde, sede hine gehælan mihte? Ac he wolde þæt se blinda bæde; fordon þe he tiht ælcne swiðe gemaglice to gebedum: ac hwædere he cwyð on oðre stowe, 'Eower heofenlica Fæder wat hwæs ge behofiað, ærðan de ge hine æniges dinges biddan,' peah-hwœdere wile se goda God þæt we hine georne biddon. In view of the context, it is difficult to interpret hwæðere in any other way than as a conjunction; it is, moreover, followed by a correlative frequently used after concessive clauses. But there is no sign of the 'transposed' order which Ælfric frequently (not always) employs in subordinate clauses, and the sentence may be simply an example of careless construction. Less definitely subordinated is the phrase-which с may be considered an elliptical clause-interpolated in the following sentence under the influence of an ablative absolute: BH. 52. 28 Swa ponne her fram þære arleasan deode, hwædere rihte Godes dome, neh ceastra gehwylce 7 land forheregeode wæron (immo disponente iusto Iudice ..). 5. Jeah-hwædere (?) For completeness, I mention deah-hwadere, which, in the following passage, is translated by Thorpe as though: EH. 1. 152. 27 Dyses godspelles anginn hrepode ures Hælendes prowunge; þeah-hwæðere ne orowade he na on dysne timan: ac he wolde feorran and lange ær cyðan his drowunge his leorningcnihtum. This is evidently another case of negligence; the sentences are contrasted, but all are independent. 6. swa Jeah-hwæðere (?) This adversative is once employed, before an elliptical clause, in the sense of deah: LS. 2. 20. 284 Ac wite þu man þæt ic eom synful wif, swa þeah-hwæðere utan ymbseald mid þam halgan fulluhte. B. The Form of the Clause. The expression or omission of the verb, and the position of noun and predicate in the subordinate clause, are matters belonging to the subject of sentenceform in general, not to any specific construction, and have accordingly no significance for us at this point. The position of the concessive conjunction, however, has its importance in the light of Modern English. For in modern prose a not uncommon device is that of giving prominence to a word of the concessive clause by placing it before the conjunction: Scott, Talisman, ch. 24 heathen as he is; Wilson, Noctes Ambrosianae, June, 1826 bordering though it be on the facetious; Landor, Achilles and Helena (Imag. Conv.) desirous though I always was. This device is almost unknown to Old English writers; the concessive conjunction stands regularly at the head of its clause. I have found one example, however, of inversion in exactly the modern manner: Sol. 26. 12 Uncuð þeah ic wære, donan cume ic to þæt ic hine mæge sweotolor geseon. Cf. BR. 25. 20. In some cases of forcible assertion or injunction, where deah alone does not sufficiently mark the contrast between principal and subordinate clause, intensive particles are added. For example: BR. 119. 3 Æfter his lifes geearnunge and æfter his wisdomes lare sy gecoren se þe to abbodhade sceal, eac swylce peah he latost to mynstre come and ytemest sy on endebyrdnesse þære gesomnunge. This perhaps follows etiamsi of the Latin, though the usual translation of etiamsi is deah. Other intensives: Inst. 477. 21 Ac on eallum þingum he sceal his lareowes bebodum hyran, ge þeah be hyt sy þ se lareow þe him tela tæce him sylf elles-hu do; HL. 142. 96 Midpam þe he cwed: Brec þinne hlaf, he getacnað, þæt þu scealt of þam þone þearfan aretan, and peah pu mare næbbe ponne ænne hlaf; perhaps also PPs. 22. 4 peah ic nu gange on midde þa sceade deades. The same tendency is, of course, seen in Modern English, where though is sometimes reinforced by even: Scott, Heart of Midlothian, ch. 43 This, in David's eyes, was a sin of presumption, even although it should not be followed. by any overt act or actual proposal. In the use of eall as a strengthening particle with Jeah we have the source of the modern conjunction although. This is only one of many cases where eall -which shades from its literal meaning, 'quite,' 'altogether,' to an intensive of the most general sort serves to emphasize a word or phrase. The most common is the familiar eal swa in its various senses. We find also: Wulf. 54. 17 eal hy beoð yfele and swicole; Chron. 258. 11 eall riht swa; Jud. 16. 11 mid eallniwum rapum; Cod. Dip. 3. 349. 4 eall to wide; HL. 184. 99 þa Iudeas hyne. ... on rode ahengon, eall þurh heora andan; Wulf. 162. 18 eal for urum synnum; etc. The earliest examples of all strengthening though cited by the New English Dictionary are from the fourteenth century. Under the word although we read: 'c. 1325. E. E. Allit. P.A. 758 My dere destyne Me ches to hys make alþaz vnmete.' Here the two words have already coalesced. Under all (p. 227 a), however, we find a citation of about 1330, from Robert of Brunne, which retains a form closer to the Old English: 'pof alle Edgar þe gate, Estrild þi moder ware.' In the Old English instances which I have found, eall is separated from deah by other words, and, as a rule, belongs rather to the verb than to the connective. Its function, however, is plainly to emphasize the concessive idea; it might be paraphrased, in the first cases cited, by 'never so much.' Bo. 106. 14 deah he eall wille, he ne mæg; ÆH. 2. 122. 12 pa ne mihte se papa þæt geðafian, þeah de he eall wolde; Wulf. 165. 10 ær hy na ne magan, þeah hy eall willan. Very similar, though perhaps a step nearer the modern idiom, is the example from Beowulf pointed out by Nader (Anglia 11. 452, § 59): Beow. 679-680: Forban ic hine sweorde swebban nelle, In the following late passage, eall has become more colorless-less clearly connected with the verb, and more entirely devoted to the emphasizing of the concessive |