lent heart, and friendly disposition, and, as a public man, one of the most respectable of that time. He settled afterwards in Baltimore, and married the daughter of the survivor of those who signed the declaration of independence. He held the rank of general, and distinguished himself honorably, in repelling the attack of the British on Baltimore in the late war. General Harper and William Smith, are among the number of those whom Mr. Jefferson will introduce to posterity as monarchists, and as being among "the worthless and disaffected."

Mr. Carroll (just now alluded to) was rather a small and thin person, of very gracious and polished manners. At the age of ninety, he was still upright, and could see and hear as well as men commonly do. He had a smiling expression when he spoke; and had none of the reserve which usually attends old age. He was said to have preserved his vigor, by riding on horseback, and by daily bathing in cold water. He was a gentleman of the "old school" of deportment, which is passing away, if not gone.

Mr. Gallatin made a distinguished figure in the House, in these days, on the opposition side. He indicated his origin by his pronunciation of our language, in a manner not to be mistaken. It appears from the records of the Senate, when his right to a seat there was objected to in 1795, on the ground of defect in citizenship, that he was born in Geneva, in January, 1761, and was for some time a teacher of the French language at Cambridge. He was considered to be a very able man, and has proved to be such in the stations and writings of subsequent time. He was rather above the common size, of intelligent face and brilliant black eye. He was a frequent speaker in the House, an argumentative, and not a graceful one. Mr. Madison was then in Congress, and an efficient member on the opposition side. A man of small stature, and grave appearance. the close of his presidency, he seemed to be a care-worn man, and seemed, by his face, to have attained to a more advanced age than was the fact. He had a calm expression, a penetrating blue eye, and looked like a thinking man. He was dressed in black, bald on the top of his head, powdered, of rather protuberant person in front, small lower limbs; slow and grave in speech. Mr. Madison was a warm advocate for the Union, and the associate of Jay

At

and Hamilton, in the effort to make it acceptable to the public. But he early became an opponent of the administration, and closely allied to Mr. Jefferson. It would be exceedingly interesting to know what this eminent man's opinions are, now that he can look back, dispassionately, on a long, active, and responsible political life; and what acts of his public life, if any, he disapproves; and whether in his calm retrospection, he is satisfied with his pretensions to be ranked among the truly worthy successors of Washington.

However it may have been with Mr. Madison, he may have discerned, since his time, that public office in the United States is not always a solemn trust to be executed, according to enlightened conscience, for the common good: but may be a mere convenience to carry into effect the unworthy purposes of party allegiance.

Among the eminent men who lived in Philadelphia at the close of the last century, was Robert Morris. He was born in England, in 1733, and came to America when he was fifteen years of age. He was placed in the counting-house of Mr. Willing, father of Thomas Willing, who was the first President of the United States Bank. On coming of age, he was copartner with the latter gentleman, and continued to be so for nearly forty years. Though Robert Morris was of English birth, he devoted himself to the patriot side, in the revolutionary contest. He had acquired great wealth as a merchant, but he cheerfully risked the whole of it to gain the independence of his adopted country. The final success of the revolution depended no less on the ability and industry of this one man, than on all the armies, with Washington as their chief. When Congress had exhausted their means, all other means depended on Robert Morris. At one time he had used his own personal credit to the extent of one million four hundred thousand dollars, to sustain the credit of the United States. The records of these times are the honorable proofs of the esteem and respect in which both Congress, and Washington, regarded his patriotic labors and services.

He was the founder of the first bank in this country, a signer of the declaration of independence, member of the convention which framed the constitution, for some years a senator in the national government, and the personal friend of Washington.

In 1784, under the old confederation, he resigned his office of Financier," and when the new government went into operation, he was solicited to take the place of Secretary of the Treasury, but declined, and recommended the appointment of Hamilton.

After leaving all public employment, he exercised the same inventive genius and indefatigable industry, which he had devoted to the public service, in his own affairs, and engaged deeply in many and extensive enterprises; and especially in the purchase of lands. Massachusetts had a claim to extensive tracts within the limits of New York, of which he became the purchaser.

In 1795-6, he was in the splendor of prosperity, and then about sixty-three years of age. His house was at the corner of Sixth and Market Streets, and he had laid the foundation of a palace in the square, on the south side of Chestnut Street next above Sixth, (if rightly remembered,) with the intention of making the whole of that space his residence. His home was the abode of noble, cordial hospitality, abounding in every thing that tended to make hospitality delightful. In his person (as now recollected) he was nearly of six feet in stature, of large, full, wellformed, vigorous frame, with clear, smooth, florid complexion. His loose gray hair was unpowdered. His eyes were gray, of middle size, and uncommonly brilliant. He wore, as was common at that day, a full suit of broadcloth, of the same color, and of light mixture. His manners were gracious and simple, and free from the formality which generally prevailed. He was very affable, and mingled in the common conversation, even of the young.

Within the three years following, his very extended concerns became embarrassed, and his prosperity declined. The extraordinary talents which were able to manage the monied concerns of the nation, under the most desperate circumstances, were incompetent to extricate himself from the difficulties which surrounded him. It is painful to know, that this able and commanding person, in the affairs of his country, and of society, closed his life under exceedingly depressed circumstances. Still more painful to know, that the turn of the times, and means which Morris would have abhorred, raised some men to places of high distinction, and put them in the way to be long remembered,

while this generous, high-minded patriot, Morris, will be known to few only, to have ever lived. He should be remembered and honored, as among the earliest, and most persevering, and faithful worthies of this land; while some men, who will be so held, should be regarded with proper sentiments, not for the good, but for the mischief which they achieved. Though Morris had leisure, at the close of his protracted life, to have laid in his claims to the respect, and to the gratitude of future ages, he left no memoir, letters, opinions, or Anas, by which his worth can be disclosed to the country, which he so truly adorned, and so faithfully labored to save.

LETTER XXVI.

APRIL 20, 1833.

IN 1795, the Governor of Massachusetts was the celebrated Samuel Adams. He came in after Hancock, May, 1794, and was then seventy-two years of age. He remained three years in office. He was one of the most ardent of the patriots, before and during the revolution; a popular writer and energetic speaker. He was of common size, of muscular form, light blue eyes, light complexion, and erect in person. He wore a tie wig, cocked hat, and red cloak. His manner was very serious. At the close of his life, and probably from early times, he had a tremulous motion of the head, which probably added to the solemnity of his eloquence, as this was, in some measure, associated with his voice. He was in favor of adopting the federal constitution, but became an opponent to the administration. Though he and Hancock were the only two men excepted in the British proclamation of amnesty, they were, at one time, on very ill terms with each other from differences in opinion. He died in 1803. Samuel Adams was a sincere, devoted, and most effective agent in the revolutionary cause, with his pen, his tongue, and by example. He put every thing dear to him upon the issue.

He was succeeded in 1797, by Increase Sumner, taken from the bench of the Supreme Court. Governor Sumner

was of large person, a sensible man, of truly amiable character. He took an active part in the convention in favor of the constitution. He died in June, 1799, much re

gretted.

He was buried with the formal ceremonies, which have been observed here, on such occasions, ever since Hancock's time. Four chief magistrates have died in office.

The Chief Justice was Francis Dana, who was sent to Russia as minister during the war, and was absent three years. He was a man of common stature, thin person, stooping a little, and of studious face. He was called an able lawyer, and was a very direct, clear, forcible speaker, but his manner, on the bench, was severe. In winter, he wore a white corduroy surtout, lined with fur, and a large muff; probably Russian acquisitions. Robert Treat Paine was also on the bench. He was a signer of the declaration of independence. He was a man of common stature, but very thin person; and of quick, ardent temper, as his black and sparkling eye might indicate. He did not hear easily. The manners of the court to the bar were, in those days, far from courteous; which occasioned the remark of Mr. Ames, that a lawyer should come prepared with a club in one hand, and a speaking trumpet in the other. In his private life, he was a kind-hearted, and affectionate man. He was long in public life, and in responsible stations, but there is not a speech, nor a word of his, preserved. He was a strong, earnest speaker, but could not be ranked among the eloquent.

In 1800, Theodore Sedgwick took his seat on the bench of the Supreme Court. He was a zealous advocate for the adoption of the constitution, and is frequently mentioned by Mr. Jefferson, as one of the monarchists; and is included among the disaffected and worthless. He had been for many years in Congress, and Speaker of the House. He moved that the House should pass the necessary laws to carry the British treaty into effect. He was a man of large size, of good face, of dignified and courteous deportment, but with something of display of manner. From the time of his appointment to the bench, the conduct of the court towards the bar underwent an entire revolution, and the former causes of complaint soon disappeared. He was supposed to have induced this important change. Judge Sedgwick had