demned by French consuls. The government was determined to adhere to the strictest neutrality; to which Genet had no objection, provided he could carry on the war himself; as though belligerent operations could be conducted in a neutral country in the name of a party to a war, without making that country a party in it. This he insisted on doing; and when told that he would be resisted by force, he threatened to appeal from the President to the people. The controversies with Mr. Genet were exceedingly embarrassing to the President. On one occasion he had to call on Governor Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, to prevent the sailing of a vessel which had been brought in, as prize by a French frigate, and converted into a privateer at Philadelphia, and named Le petit Democrat. It was on this occasion, that Genet told Alexander J. Dallas, secretary to Governor Mifflin, that he would appeal to the people. Mr. Dallas is the same gentleman, who was afterwards Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. He was a lawyer of some eminence, a tall man, of good manners, marked with the small pox, (if rightly remembered,) and of inexhaustible eloquence. A speech of two, three, or even four days, was not an unusual effort with him. About twenty-five years ago he came to Boston to argue a cause. He was a very fluent speaker, but diffusive, and fanciful. He was entirely on the French side of American feeling, as was Governor Mifflin. The conduct of Mr. Genet became so insolent, and offensive, that the President required of Gouverneur Morris to demand of the French government, his recall. Morris was then minister at Paris. Genet was recalled, though his mission would have terminated if he had not been, as in the revolutionary movements in France, the party to which he was indebted for his ministry, was overthrown. Mr. Genet remained in the United States, and retired to the interior of the state of New York, where he lately deceased. He was succeeded by Mr. Fauchet, whose agency was no less conspicuous, though conducted with more regard to diplomatic usage than Mr. Genet's.

The

In the prosecution of the war, between France and England, in 1793, two serious difficulties arose. French having immense armies on foot, and the laboring population having been drawn forth by military conscrip

tions, the want of provisions became very pressing. France depended, to some extent, on supplies from America. The English had the command of the ocean, and, in June, issued an order to stop all vessels bound to France, loaded with flour, corn, or meal; and to take them into port, unload them, pay for the cargoes and freight, and then liberate the vessels. There was no doubt, that this was a strong measure, and whether defensible, or not, on any construction of the law of nations, it is not the present purpose to inquire. The order gave great dissatisfaction in the United States.

The other difficulty was, that the British then began to impress seamen from American vessels. Impressment has been an immemorial usage in England; and she asserts the right of taking her own subjects, wherever found, in time of war. The difficulty of distinguishing between her own, and other subjects, often led to the impressment of Americans. This became a subject of very serious and just complaint. Whether England might take persons out of American vessels, who were born British subjects, but who had been naturalized in the United States, was another point of difference. England contended that her subjects can never abandon their allegiance, and may be taken on the high seas from any but a national vessel of war. During the administration of Mr. Jefferson, and that of Mr. Madison, the protection, not only of naturalized persons, but of all persons sailing in merchant vessels, bearing the American flag, was contended for, and was fostered into one of the causes for declaring war. This point remains as it was, forty years ago, though rather worse for the war, undertaken to sustain the American pretension. From the national similarity of the English and Americans, it is apparent, that it is a subject of intrinsic difficulty; and one that can be settled only by a course of negotiation, little likely to occur.

LETTER XIV.

MARCH 6, 1833.

THE effect of the aggressions of England during the year 1793, and the partiality for France, were apparent, at the next meeting of Congress, on the 4th of December. There was a majority of about ten votes against the administration, as appeared in the choice of speaker. The opposition supported Mr. Muhlenberg, the federalists Mr. Sedgwick. Thus it may be considered, that the federal administration was destined to fall, and that the political system which the federalists had founded, would, ere long," pass into the hands of those who had always been its enemies.

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The speech of Washington, at the opening of the session, was comprehensive and luminous, and well deserves the study of all who would understand the elements of the great political events which followed. Mr. Jefferson (Secretary of State) presented his detailed and ingenious report on commercial relations. This also deserves an attentive study, since it shows the principles of the policy which was carried into effect under his presidency. As these are matters of history, ably set forth in Marshall's fifth volume, it would be only transcription to notice them more fully; nor would it be expedient to do so, in these hasty sketches. Mr. Jefferson had intimated his intention to resign his office some months before this time. He was prevailed on (as he says) to remain, until the 31st of December, 1793, and then withdrew. The most favorable account of Mr. Jefferson's official conduct, by any judicious and impartial writer, is that given by Chief Justice Marshall, who is incapable of doing injustice to any man, even when a political opponent. On this occasion he was telling truth, with the sanction of his own high reputation, and on as interesting a subject as ever engaged the attention of any historian - The Life of Washington. It is rather to be supposed, from his well known character, that he was careful not to make himself liable to the imputation of having performed a trust, unfavorably to one, whose opinions he might not have approved.

This able historian's view of Mr. Jefferson at this period should be considered, because it gives a key to his subse

It is said that the executive officers began their official life, with more parade and ostentation than was thought becoming; and that Mr. Adams walked the streets with his hat under his arm, wearing a sword. Possibly this may have been so, because it was said, and believed in Richmond, in 1796, that Mr. Adams was always preceded by four men bearing drawn swords; which is no very extraordinary amplification, if there were any thing to rest upon. Washington's forms and ceremonies were complained of as amounting to royal customs. What these forms and ceremonies were, will be hereafter shown; and why adopted, may be found in Marshall's 5th vol. p. 163, where a letter of Washington to Dr. Stuart, is quoted, stating the reasons; what Mr. Jefferson says (in one of his posthumous volumes) to the contrary, notwithstanding.

Congress continued in session till the 29th of September, (1789) employed in framing the laws necessary to the organization of the government. In this space of time, the construction of the powers intended to be given, was very ably discussed. The number of senators did not then exceed eighteen. The number of representatives attending was about eighty. Soon after the adjournment, Washington made his eastern tour. He did not then visit Rhode Island, but did this in the following autumn.

Among the subjects strenuously debated at this Congress, was the President's power of appointment, and removal of the officers of his cabinet. The appointment was constitutionally subject to the assent of the senate. The removal was then settled to be, in the power of the President alone. The history of the country shows, in what manner this power may be used; and some who were then opposed to leaving it to the President alone, would have seen their predictions realized, if they had continued to the present day. It is perceived now, that the framers of the constitution erred in not restricting executive power; and that the first legislators erred in like manner. Though they could not have expected a succession of Washingtons, they are excusable for not dreaming of Jeffersons and Jacksons. Another point much discussed was, whether the secretaries of the executive should make reports to Congress. The duties and difficulties of the treasury department may be discerned in Mr. Ames's remarks in support of the propo

sition: " Among other things," he said, "the situation of our finances, owing to a variety of causes, presents to the "imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos, impossible to "be reduced to order, unless the mind of the architect be "clear and capacious, and his power commensurate to the "object. It is with the intention of letting a little sunshine "into the business, that the present arrangement is pro"posed."

The tonnage duty was one of the subjects, at this time, considered. Even then, the spirit that never tired, nor yielded, in favor of France, till the conclusion of the war in 1815, was clearly apparent. It has been before remarked, that it was a natural political feeling. It may have been honestly entertained. Whether it was honestly applied, at all times to American affairs, is a matter which must be left to the consideration of those who will examine with an impartiality, not to be expected from men who united in it, or lamented it.

LETTER XI.

MARCH 1, 1833.

BEFORE the President commenced his tour in the east, he selected his cabinet. Mr. Jefferson was then on his voyage from France, in which country he had been minister some years. His return was intended to be temporary. On his arrival he found an invitation to assume the office of Secretary of State, with an intimation, that he was to retain his diplomatic character, and return to France, if he did not accept. He is said to have preferred the latter, but did for some reason forego this preference, and assumed the duties of Secretary on the 22d of March, 1790. Alexander Hamilton was appointed Secretary of the Treasury the preceding September. This office is supposed to have been offered first to Robert Morris, who declined it, and who recommended Hamilton. In the same month General Henry Knox was appointed Secretary at War; and Edmund Randolph, Attorney General. The office of Secretary of the Navy did not exist till Mr. Adams's presidency, and was first filled by