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ering glory, and what seems to the gentleman of Massa"chusetts much dearer, profit, by privateering; but you "will be able to make a conquest of Canada and Nova "Scotia. Indeed! Then, Sir, we shall catch a Tartar. "I have no desire to see the Senators and Representatives of "the Canadian French, or of the tories and refugees of Nova "Scotia sitting on this floor, or that of the other House; to see them becoming members of the Union and participat"ing in our political rights. And on what other principle "would the gentleman from Massachusetts be for incorporating these provinces with us? Or, on what other principle could it be done, under the constitution? If the gentleman has no other bounty to offer us for going to war, than the incorporation of Canada and Nova Scotia, "I am for remaining at peace."

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Every one of the predictions of the friends of peace were sadly fulfilled; and greater evils, than they foretold, were experienced by this misgoverned country.

It is worth while to look at Europe, to judge of the time which Mr. Madison selected to go to war with England.

He

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Napoleon had reduced the whole of Europe to his absolute dominion, or to a state of dependence little short of it, as far eastwardly and northwardly as the confines of Turkey and Russia. There was still, in some parts of Europe, the show of independent powers, but it was nothing more. had placed three of his brothers on thrones; one in Spain, one in Holland, one in Westphalia. One of his generals, Murat, was king of Naples and husband of his sister. He had first beaten the emperor of Austria, and then divorced Josephine, to marry the emperor's daughter. He was king of Rome, until he gave that title to his infant son. French general was on the throne of Sweden, and had entered into the continental system. Russia alone stood out and continued her commerce, so far as French privateers would permit, through the Baltic. It is a curious fact, that Archangel, in north latitude sixty-four, on the shores of the White Sea, was, in this derangement of Europe by Napoleon, the principal port of entry for all English and American merchandise, which could find its way into the continent. A considerable amount of American property was burnt at Moscow, when that city was destroyed, after Napoleon had taken possession of it.

England had resisted this terrible aggrandizement. She had her thousand ships and had made herself the mistress of the seas. Her maritime force had no enemy to contend with; she had driven every thing, that dared to show a hostile flag, from the ocean; excepting that sometimes a French squadron would steal a flight along the waves, to shun English ships and burn those of Americans.

It was under such circumstances, that Mr. Madison chose, for this commercial nation, England for an enemy, and Napoleon for an ally! As the federalists dared to denounce this abominable policy, they were in fact included, though not expressly named, in his manifesto of war.

LETTER LXII.

JANUARY 7, 1834.

IT is remarkable, that on the 24th day of June, 1812, hostilities commenced between Napoleon and Russia, and that on the 18th of the same month, war was declared by the United States against England. During the spring of that year, Napoleon had been preparing for this war, because Russia did not interdict the merchandise of Great Britain. Having assembled his forces, he departed on the 9th of May from his palace of St. Cloud, to prosecute his enterprise. It is also remarkable, that no change had occurred in the negotiations with England, which should have induced a declaration of war, in the month of June, 1812, rather than at any other time within several preceding months. It was said and believed, that the embargo was known in France to be an intended measure, while it was not suspected in the United States; and it is certain, that war was known in France to be determined on, although no rational man in the United States supposed, that the administration would have the hardihood to propose it. Was there, or not, a secret understanding, or agreement between the French and American governments, that, as soon as France was ready to attack the only power in Europe, which had not bound itself to maintain the "continental system," the United States should declare war

against England? Notwithstanding Mr. Madison assigned the old causes for the war, he lies under the very serious imputation of having had other causes at heart; nothing short of having unnecessarily and wantonly engaged his own country in war, for the mere purpose of aiding Napoleon to prostrate his enemy. However this matter may have been guarded from the perception of his fellow citizens, if the fact was so, Mr. Madison's integrity and fidelity will be severely tried by impartial history. In truth, there was nothing to gain by war, which negotiation would not have gained; and the treaty of peace settled no one of the controverted points.

The first event after the declaration of war, that attracted the public attention, was the address of the minority of the House of Representatives. A more rational, interesting, and dignified paper has not appeared since the institution of the government. In manner, it is much superior to the Declaration of Independence. This paper sets forth the state of the country at that time, the course adopted to obtain the presence and purposes of the war; it is an insulated paper and not easily to be found; but it is due to its writer and signers, that it should be kept in memory.

The declaration of war, though feared, was so serious and shocking to a large portion of the community, that it could only be likened to the distressing certainty of affliction to surrounding relatives, when death has thrown his dart at some lingering victim. While life remains, there is still some vague and undefined hope; and while war was not declared, there was yet a sentiment, that a calamity so unnecessary, so oppressive, and so ruinous, would not be forced upon the country.

It should be remembered, that the seaboard had not been fortified; the navy had not been augmented; the army had not yet been increased; nothing had been done to fill the treasury - the whole country was on a peace establishment. Within the first month of the war, an unconstitutional demand was made on the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut for militia, even before the news of this astonishing measure could have reached the British Isles, and three months before there was the slightest probability, that the United States could be invaded. This demand proved to be in prosecution of the design to invade and conquer

Canada with militia! If every subject and soldier in Canada had been willing, that the militia should take quiet possession of that country, what good would this have done to the people of the United States? During this profitless conflict, the attempt at conquest was continued, but without advancing a dozen miles into that territory at any time; while, on the other hand, the British became invaders; but, as should be, were driven within their own lines on this frontier.

The military and naval character of the war it is not the present purpose to describe. All this went on like other wars, with the exception, that it soon became defensive on our part.* Mr. Madison's ally, Napoleon, found a more powerful and determined enemy, than he expected; and another enemy, little expected and not at all provided for, even by this far-sighted chief. Every body knows, that the burning of Moscow and the bitterness of the winter annihilated the hosts of the Emperor, and that he hurried home to repair his disasters, but found his way to Elba. The fall of Napoleon was also the fall of Mr. Madison. The peace of Europe, in the spring of 1814, left England at leisure to attend to the enemy who had sought to overwhelm her in her deepest distress. The war had assumed a ferocious

* In what manner that philosophical philanthropist, Thomas Jefferson, desired to have the war carried on, appears from the following extract.

"But

Jefferson writes to Monroe, January 1, 1815, vol. iv. p. 245: "however these two difficulties of men and money may be disposed "of, it is fortunate, that neither of them will affect our war by sea. "Privateers will find their own men and money. Let nothing be "spared to encourage them. They are the dagger which strikes at "the heart of the enemy, their commerce. Frigates and seventy"fours are a sacrifice we must make, heavy as it is, to the prejudices "of a part of our citizens. They have, indeed, rendered a great "moral service, which has delighted me as much as any one in the "United States. But they have had no physical effect, sensible to the enemy; and now, while we must fortify them in our harbors, and keep armies to defend them, our privateers are bearding and blockading the enemy in their own ports." (Who, but Thomas Jefferson, "knew this fact?) "Encourage them to burn all their prizes, and "let the public pay for them. They will cheat us enormously. No "matter; they will make the merchants of England feel, and squeal, "and cry out for peace."

This is the wise and moral Mr. Jefferson! None but pirates burn ships at sea.

character, little creditable to either of the parties, according to the rules of modern warfare. The burning of public buildings, and of private dwellings, is unworthy of modern military strife. These are matters within every one's reach, who does not but desires to know them. The purpose now in view is to notice the character of the times, which history will not notice.

If any one desires to see the best vindication, which appeared, of the conduct of the administration in the war, he will find it in an elaborate production, entitled “An Exposition of the Causes and Character of the late War." This was dated February 10, 1815, and was attributed to Mr. Dallas, then Secretary of the Treasury.

Independently of the vassalage of party, a small proportion of the citizens of New England approved of the war. Public opinion soon began to manifest itself in popular meetings. Resolutions were passed, expressing in decided terms the feelings of a free, intelligent, and indignant people. Conventions were held in the different counties, not by any concert, but spontaneously. That at Northampton, at which fifty-six towns were represented, attracted particular attention. A preamble and resolutions were there adopted, prepared with great ability and genuine patriotic spirit. In the county of Worcester a convention was held, in like spirit, and remarkable for a pointed paraphrase of the declaration of independence.

On the 15th of July, a great meeting was held at Faneuil Hall, and resolutions were then adopted, well worthy of the place and of the occasion. Among others who were heard at this time was DANIEL SARGENT, a distinguished merchant, who disclosed the fatal consequences to commercial interests, and to all classes who are connected with and dependent on them. JOSIAH QUINCY, just then returned from Congress, made known to his auditors, with his accustomed fervor and eloquence, the scenes which he had witnessed, and the true character and designs of the administration. He was followed by HARRISON GRAY OTIS, then in the full vigor of manhood, as to whom, with all the abatement which should be made for the high excitement of the times, this description of his feelings and expressions (as published then) is not too highly colored.