of the Catholic Prelates to discuss therein Catholic rights. It was known to the authorities that armed bodies of men calling themselves a "National Guard," wearing a national uniform, openly paraded in imitation of the old Volunteers. It was believed they were in sympathy with France for the purpose of a revolution. The Dublin Convention, through their aid, hoped to accomplish for the Catholics what the Dungannon Convention had established for the Parliament-Religious Independence! A day was appointed for their meeting. A review of the National Guard was at the same time to be held. The Viceroy had no directions how to act. He appealed to Fitz-Gibbon who, as usual, was equal to the occasion, and he at once issued (9 Dec. 1792) a Proclamation against unauthorized bodies assembling in arms. Riots threatened; the executive was firm, and adequate force was ready. The review was not held. Disappointed and disaffected, armed bands traversed the streets, crying, "Liberty! Equality!" and "No King !" but the law prevailed. When its authority was acknowledged, the Convention was permitted to meet. It demanded admission to the Franchise and to Parliament, and prepared a petition for direct presentation to the King. This condition of public feeling marked the opening of the Session of 1793. The Earl of Westmoreland, in his speech, alluded to disturbances at home, recommended a Militia Bill, approved of the determination the House had manifested to enforce obedience to the laws, and added: "I have it in particular command from His Majesty to recommend it to you, to apply yourselves to the consideration of such measures as may be most likely to strengthen and cement a general union of sentiment amongst all classes and descriptions of His Majesty's subjects in support of the established Constitution. With this view His Majesty trusts that the situation of His Majesty's Catholic subjects will engage your serious attention, and in consideration of this subject he relies on the wisdom and liberality of His Parliament." This occasion is remarkable as being the first prominent appearance in the Irish House of Commons of Major Arthur Wellesley, afterwards Duke of Wellington, who seconded the address, and specially approved of the conduct of the Lord-Lieutenant in "preventing men calling themselves national guardsmen from appearing in military array." The Crown had information of the importation and manufacture of arms and ammunition. It was known that, under the semblance of Reform discussion, treason was concocted. To meet the double danger of treason and agitation the Attorney-General introduced a special Act,* "to prevent the importation of arms, gunpowder, and ammunition into the Kingdom, and the removing or keeping them without a license." This at once gave the Executive power against the many so-called Volunteer Corps and "Guards" ripe for revolution. A Convention Bill† immediately followed. It prevented "the election or appointment of unlawful assemblies under pretence of preparing or preventing petitions or addresses to His Majesty or the Parliament." The preamble states "that the election or appointment of assemblies purporting to represent the people, under pretence of preparing petitions, complaints or remonstrances to King or Parliament for alteration of matters established by law, or redress of alleged grievances in Church or State, may be made use of to serve the ends of factions and seditious persons to the violation of the public peace and the great and manifest encouragement of tumult and disorder," and then proceeds to enact that those attending unlawful assemblies shall be guilty of a high misdemeanour. It is a strong proof of the alarming condition of Ireland, that Sir John Parnell's Militia Bill, which provided a force of 16,000 men, and increased the regular troops to 20,000, should, after discussion, be carried without a division.‡ Again was the question of reform introduced by Grattan, now in a less pretentious form. On the 11th of February he read three resolutions :-"1. That the representation of the people is attended with great and heavy charges and payments in consequence of elections and returns of members to serve in Parliament, and that said abuses ought to be abolished. 2. That of the 300 members elected to serve in Parliament, the Counties and Counties of Cities and Towns, 33 Geo. III. c. 2. † 33 Geo. III. c. 29. 33 Geo. III. c. 22. together with the University, return 84 members, and that the remaining 216 are returned by Boroughs and Manors. 8. That the state of the representation in Parliament requires amendment." Against the passing of any Reform Bill the Government was on its guard. Pledged in a measure to the Catholics for their participation in the franchise, Reform was considered as equivalent to placing the country in their hands. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved by way of amendment: "1. That if any plan shall be proposed which shall promise additional benefits, without hazarding the advantages we enjoy, it shall be considered to be entitled to the most serious attention of the Committee. 2. That under the present order of representation the privileges of the people have been extended, and the agriculture, the trade, and the commerce of the nation have been promoted." A debate followed, in which leading members of both sides joined, the amendment being carried by 135-71. A similar result attended an attempt subsequently introduced by Mr. Forbes. The speech of the Lord-Lieutenant had prepared the way for further relief to the Roman Catholics. The Convention had agreed to discontinue their meetings; before doing so a deputation of the United Irishmen had requested an interview and been refused. Major Hobart brought forward his Bill. The House resolved itself into Committee. On the second reading Mr. Knox had moved "that the Roman Catholics should have seats in Parliament." His motion was set aside as inconsistent with the order of proceedings. The Bill was violently opposed by Doctor Diugenan, who stated" that Catholic Emancipation meant a restoration of Catholic forfeited estates, which were still partitioned in marriage settlements amongst the descendants of those dispossessed.* The Bill became law.† By this Act Roman Catholics were admitted to the franchise, to the magistracy, and to the grand juries on the same terms as Protestants. Without the objectionable oaths arms were granted to those with certain property qualification, and with oaths to others of minor qualifications. They were permitted to hold civil or military * Par. Deb., 27th February, 1793. † 33 Geo. III. c. 21. offices of trust; and without oaths to take degrees in any College except Trinity; they might be elected as Professor to Sir Patrick Dunn's Hospital, with which is associated the King and Queen's College of Physicians in Ireland. This Act and the preceding, read with those passed in 1782, left little more to be obtained but seats in Parliament and judicial office. Parliament, notwithstanding being so occupied, found time to pass an Act whereby "Barren heath or waste ground improved into arable land or meadow was freed from tithe for seven years," with a provision that burning surface without the proprietor's consent was not to be regarded as improvement within the Act.* Mr. Forbes was at length to be rewarded with success. He brought forward his usual motion to exclude placemen from the House. After eight years of failure he found the opposition withdrawn, and his Bill reached Committee. It was considered as a set-off against the loss of reform, and it became Law.† It operated in a manner not to affect present occupants of seats, so that a period of four years remained to Government to mature any plans in contemplation. An Act which may be considered as collateral to this was also passed, by which the Government gave consent to limit the Civil Lists to £80,000 a year, and in which by c. 9 they agreed to limit the secret service money to £5,000 a year.‡ reserving by c. 10 "any sum may be paid to the principal Secretary of State for secret service for the purpose of detecting, preventing or defeating dangerous conspiracies against the State." Both these Acts proved powerful instruments in the hands of the Crown. The Place Bill enabled the office of Escheator for each of the four counties to be available for the vacating of seats in Parliament, as each was a paid office of 30s a year. The other gave discretion without question in the expenditure of money. It is to the credit of the House that, while thus involved in questions directly affecting itself, it should have adopted Fox's Libel Bill, which had passed in England in the previous Session. This they did in an Act "To remove all doubts respecting the functions of juries in cases of libel," an Act justly * 33 Geo. III. c. 25. † 33 Geo. III. c. 21. 33 Geo. III. c. 34. regarded as the Magna Charta of the Press. The Session of 1793 was, without further important business, brought to its close. The active co-operation of Parliament and the energy of the Lord Chancellor had avoided open rupture between the Crown and the people. The Convention and the Militia Bills were for the time equal to the occasion. The sudden change of Ministerial policy in abandoning the Pension and Place Bills soon received its explanation. It was known that a French invasion of Ireland had been determined on. Ostensibly to give strength by the union of parties in face of a common enemy, Portland, Spenser and Fitzwilliam became members of Pitt's administration. Mr. Ponsonby stated in the House: "the Duke of Portland and other members of the Rockingham administration would not have joined Pitt, had the Duke not received ample authority to reform abuses which existed in the Irish Government." To him was confided the general management and superintendence of Ireland; and leading Irish politicians were invited to England to discuss the position. The Ponsonbies, Grattan, Sir John Parnell and others saw the Premier. The Duke of Portland was not without experience of how little was to be expected from concessions. Grattan's price for Irish peace was the admission of Catholics to Parliament. Pitt was uncertain how to act. He appreciated the necessity of conciliating three millions of people, at a time of grave difficulty, when Irish money and men were both required, and an invitation to rebellion was publicly offered in the event of his refusal. Pitt doubted the efficacy of the remedy proposed, and he adopted a middle course. He induced the King to recall Lord Westmoreland, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam, known to be an ardent supporter of Catholic Emancipation, was appointed his successor. Fitzwilliam informed Grattan that he would proceed to Ireland with full discretionary powers. Grattan returned to Dublin and prepared the Catholics for the complete fulfilment of their wishes. The plan of action was discussed in the English Cabinet. In the eleventh hour a difficulty arose with the King. Fitzwilliam was permitted to go without precise instructions; he was to discourage Catholic agitation, reserve his opinions, make no promises, and communicate the |