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"Irish Policy is Irish History, and I have no faith in any Statesman who attempts to remedy the evils of Ireland who is either ignorant of the past or will not take lessons from it."-Disraeli, 1868.

N attempting an impartial consideration of the most eventful period of Irish history, it is essential to commence by examining the social and political condition of the country at the time. By tracing events both at home and abroad, we shall be enabled to form a just estimate of that combination of circumstances which was the precursor, if not the direct cause, of the crisis resulting in Irish Parliamentary Independence.

To begin with England. In the Spring of 1782, the Ministry of Lord North was brought to an abrupt termination. The position of the country at the close of his twelve years' administration was without precedent. Impolicy and injustice had borne full fruits in blunders and disasters. Political disappointments and military reverses afforded to a powerful Opposition ample justification for continual assaults. Ministerial majorities decreased in number and in quality. Fox and Burke, unceasing in their attacks, not only on the measures of the Government, but also on the capacity and personal character of its leader, at length forced his resignation. Much of the calamity which attended Lord North's administration must be attributed to the conflict between principles and measures, marking the efforts of the Premier to reconcile the caprices and prejudices of his Sovereign with the interests and requirements of the State. Friends were thereby alienated, foes were not conciliated. The favour of the King proved powerless against the dissatisfaction of the people. The Royal threats of abdication in March, 1778,

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"rather than submit to be trampled on by his enemies," which in reality meant "rather than loosen his failing grasp on America," repeated four years after when a Whig coalition was proposed, were far from bearing their expected fruits. Popular feeling and personal loyalty had been strained to their uttermost. It was felt that the prerogative of the Crown had overridden the responsibility of the Minister. The writings of Junius were still fresh in the public mind; he had taught them that "the ruin or prosperity of a State depends so much upon the administration of its Government, that, to be acquainted with the merits of a Ministry, we need only observe the condition of the people." By this standard was Lord North judged. In our American colonies open discontent had ripened into revolt, the disasters of which culminated in the submission of Cornwallis, and ended in the declaration of Independence. Our Empire in the East was threatened with destruction, as the arms of Coote had not yet prevailed. Hyder Ali, twice defeated, was still a formidable foe. The triumphs of Warren Hastings were also incomplete. Britain stood alone against the united powers of France, Spain and Holland. France was eager for revenge for her expulsion from Canada and India; Spain was snatching at Gibraltar, where destruction was awaiting her fleet; while Holland was content to make her islands the storehouse for our foes. Our West Indian Islands were ravaged, and our trade in these seas swept away by the enemy's marine, for the gallant Howe or Rodney had not yet given our foes their lesson and re-assumed for England the sovereignty of the sea. The few ships that could be spared for the purpose were not sufficient to prevent English coasts and harbours from being insulted, as privateers hovered about the Channel and made easy prey of passing merchandise. On the Continent dissatisfaction was fast ripening into absolute revolution; the air was heavy with rumours, and the hearts of many failed them for fear. English social feeling was not more re-assuring. It is unnecessary to dilate on the occurrences of 1774, when Wilkes was elected Lord Mayor and returned for Middlesex, to illustrate the then temper or tone of political parties. Dissatisfaction thereby aroused had become chronic. The Gordon

Riots of 1780 declare the later state of the public mind. In the provinces an universal outcry against Arkwrights' machinery had led to most formidable combinations of the working classes, who believed labour would cease if such facilities for production were permitted. In this condition of the public mind we have one important explanation of England's deficient energy when the necessity for action on Irish matters arose. There was another reason even more significant. England was in want both of money and of men. The American declaration demanded prompt action on the part of the Crown. The Irish establishment was ordinarily 12,000 strong. A requisition of 4,000 troops was made from Ireland, with a proposal that "for the better protection of that country, it was His Majesty's intention, if desired, to replace them by an equal number of Hessians (Protestants,)" adding that "their charge should be defrayed without expense to Ireland." The requisition was granted, but the protection of the foreign troops refused. It thus happened that when the Irish coast towns were threatened, their means of defence were not equal to the occasion. The requisition for Irish troops spoke in language which could not be misunderstood. Events progressed; Events progressed; "England's difficulty," as modern agitators are wont to assert, proved "Ireland's opportunity." It occurred thus: France by entering into a treaty of friendship and of commerce (4th July 1776), had assumed and recognised American Independence; ships of both nations together infested the Irish Channel; vessels trading between English and Irish ports were seized; a descent on the northern coast was apprehended. The inhabitants of Belfast appealed to England for help, but the Government was powerless for any such purpose. Permission was given to raise a volunteer corps for protection. Belfast at once did so, the Government providing the arms, and her example was followed by most of the northern

towns. The command of Armagh was entrusted to the Earl of Charlemont, a nobleman who had established special claims to popularity by his successful advocacy of the rights of Irish Peeresses to be present at the Coronation. The Volunteer movement spread with astonishing rapidity and exercised an electric influence on all classes of the people. If may be safely affirmed

that its progress and organization has no parallel in the history or nations. Armed associations sprang up in all directions, formidable alike from their number and their discipline. By their calm and determined attitude they commanded the respect without as yet awakening the apprehensions of England. Their presence nevertheless gave unmistakeable force to Irish remonstrance, and could not but exercise due influence on the deliberations of the British Cabinet. The Government, even if they so desired it, were without means of controlling the popular feeling. They had permitted the military power to pass out of the hands of the constituted authorities, and an armed force to spring into existence with which the regular troops were unable to cope. The natural and trusted leaders of the people were thereby placed in possession of the real power in the State. With its sense of strength, the nation was aroused to a desire for liberty, and insensibly assumed the high prerogative of demanding redress for grievances against which remonstrance had hitherto proved vain.

It is essential to inquire what those grievances were. In 1780, the political position of Ireland was one of complete dependence on Great Britain. Her Parliament at no time possessed real power, being in truth but the mouthpiece of the English minister. This condition was referable to the year 1495, when Henry VII., desirous to prevent a repetition of possible grievances from rival measures in dual Parliaments, sent Sir Edward Poynings to compose the distracted state of the English pale, and settle those differences which the contests of the Houses of York and Lancaster had occasioned. As King's deputy, he summoned a Parliament in Drogheda in the year stated, and passed the act known as "Poyning's Act," [App. 1.] which placed the initiation in the King's Lieutenant in Council, and required the sanction of the King in Council to all laws to be submitted to the Irish Parliament. In the third year of Philip and Mary its provisions were further extended by empowering "the Governor and Council to certify such other causes requiring legislation as were not foreseen at the beginning of the Session." It is unnecessary to elaborate the subsequent dependency of the Irish Parliament which, according to Campbell the historian of 1789, was little better

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