raise an interest in his own behalf by connecting his cause with the cause of the Press, in vain might he hope to protect himself by exciting the apprehension that his punishment would involve the danger of the Press. Good easy-minded men would not then gather round him, nor form a phalanx to protect him from the sword of justice; though to shield a fellow-countryman from oppression under the mask of law, they will spare no exertions. Let the laws be executed, and the Press will not then nullify law nor disarm justice. Does the Attorney-General complain that his exertions are paralized, that he cannot obtain conviction? Let the Attorney-General do his duty strictly and impartially, and he will not find juries backward in performing theirs. Let him prosecute the ministerial libeller, the man who styles himself the friend of order and good government, and yet seeks to infuriate the people, dares to taunt them with their ignorance, glories in their oppression and distress, and insults their generous feelings, by reviling, abusing, and calumniating those whom the people love, honor, and revere. The Attorney-General will then find no difficulty in bringing to justice and to punishment the authors of blasphemy, of sedition, and of treason; nor even the calumniators of the ministers themselves. If the Attorney-General will not perform his duty let the people perform theirs. Let the people exercise the powers which the law has given them. Why do not grand juries in every county prefer presentments against those pernicious writings which fall within their own cognizance? The law has given them power so to do why do not the people themselves fight their own cause, and prefer indictments against public libels as against public nuisances? The law has given them power so to do - why are not extensive associations formed on disinterested principles, for suppressing pernicious writings by legal means, without regard to party, or respect to persons? By such measures may the licentiousness of the Press be constitutionally restrained while its liberty remains entire; for the due restraint of its licentiousness does not involve an invasion of its liberty. But let not the strong arm of power be raised against the man, who espouses rashly, perhaps illegally, the people's cause while the serpents who bask in the sunshine of ministerial influence are permitted to sting the people with impunity.

To conclude that an extensive, formidable, and increasing spirit of discontent at this moment pervades the country we both agree. We differ only with regard to the causes by which it has been produced and the remedy which ought to be applied. You call upon the minister to do his duty. In that call do I unite with all my heart. I feel as strongly as you can do, the importance

of the present crisis. I see that the nation is on the brink of a yawning gulf, but I am convinced it may yet be saved. Let the minister return at once to the path of duty, let him revert to principles of government truly popular, truly patriotic, truly constitutional; and the danger will disappear. But should the minister still resolve to act upon the principles which you profess, should he still trust for safety to the strong arm of power, should he still dare to aggravate the frenzy of the people, by proclaiming in their ears that he despises their opinion and disregards their clamor as the passing breeze, then indeed shall we be forced upon that one step which is to hurl us from the summit of the precipice into the gulf of ruin. The question then must come to this short issue -who shall prevail? The minister or the people? Tremendous must be the conflict, dreadful the result. Nor let the minister vainly indulge a hope that a single patriotic sword will leap from its scabbard to aid him in the conflict. TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL therefore do I now address myself to him I make my last appeal. The day is now at hand when you my Lord, must emerge from that retirement in which for some weeks passed you have been secluded; and must give to your fellowcountrymen some decisive token by which they may be enabled to judge what hopes may be indulged or what fears must be entertained with respect to your future conduct. To the 23d of January does the whole nation look forward with intense anxiety, with trembling apprehension. The people regard it as the commencement of an era which may decide their future destiny on that day some decisive step must be taken-wavering policy or temporizing measures will no longer avail. The people feel that on the resolutions of your Lordship and your colleagues for your conduct on that important day, may depend the future happiness or the future ruin of the country. They know that your Lordship has the power, they believe that you have the ability, and they require that you should have the will to rescue the kingdom from impending ruin. Already perhaps have you formed your resolution, and determined within your own bosom what measure you will pursue. The decisive step however is not yet taken, nor, if your resolution be hostile to the cause of which I am the feeble champion, is it yet too late to retract. I implore you then my Lord, as a man of honor, of judgment, and of feeling; as a statesman and a patriot, to reflect well on the situation in which you at this moment stand, Listen, I intreat you, to the well founded clamors of a suffering people, pouring thick upon you from every quarter of the island. Despise not their ignorance, defy not their passions, spurn not their complaint; hear and redress! Let no party feelings, no prejudices, even in the highest quarter, no selfish motives of individual inte

rest, deter you from the strict path of duty and of patriotism. Cause the laws already in existence to be executed firmly but impartially, alleviate the burdens of the people -retrench the expenditure of the state-concede to the prayers of the people a moderate constitutional reform of the abuses which exist in every department of the state. If you cannot act thus consistently with your own ideas of duty, then my Lord I call upon you as a great and noble-minded man, while it is yet in your power voluntarily to make the sacrifice which every minister ought to make, and must eventually make, when he ceases to possess the confidence and good opinion of the people. The nation demands it at your hands. The interest of the minister must bow to the opinion and yield to the welfare of the people. In one word my Lord retire from your post. Thus indeed may you preserve the empire from impending ruin. Thus too in the esteem and gratitude of your country, and the warm congratulations of an approving conscience, shall you obtain a rich reward, in brilliancy surpassing all which the splendor of your past administration can diffuse around you, in honor and in worth exceeding all which you can ever hope to arrive at by adopting in your practice the principles of Cato; principles alike hostile to liberty, hateful to the people, and pregnant with the greatest danger to the laws and constitution of the country.

January, 1821.

ON

THE PRESENT

TIMBER AND DEAL

Trade,

AS

REGARDS EUROPE

AND THE

BRITISH AMERICAN COLONIES,

RESTING

ON PLAIN AND UNDENIABLE FACTS.

ORIGINAL.

LONDON:

MY LORD,

HAVING had the honor of addressing your Lordship on the present corn laws, I hope that my apology for intruding again, though on a different subject, will be accepted by your Lordship.

In tendering the annexed Statement, on the present timber and deal trade, for perusal, I have but one view, namely, that this important subject might be considered in all its true bearings, and upon them alone, and not on mere individual assertions, a conclusion come to. In whatever way I might have been formerly interested in that trade, here and abroad, I can assure your Lordship that having no interest whatever in that trade at present, no private motives can be ascribed to me, as to have been influenced one way or other, in drawing up that Statement; and I therefore flatter myself that it will deserve so much more attention, and perhaps be found a proper object of being laid before the committees now investigating that subject.

Knowing the great value of time to your Lordship as well as to all persons connected with Government, I lament the length to which that Statement has grown, and which perhaps may make it less an object for consideration on that account alone, than would otherwise be the case. I must, however, assure your Lordship, that the manifold interests involved in that question, and owing to this language being foreign to me, (for which I trust sufficient allowance will be made) did not enable me to abridge more of what I found necessary to say on that subject. Should it, however, be thought superfluous to have that Statement taken into consideration, or the question on which it treats, be already finally decided, as to the course his Majesty's Government mean to adopt, I humbly beg your Lordship will then have the goodness to direct that that Statement be returned to me at the earliest convenience.